Choosing the Twelve

Matt. 10:2-4; Mark 3:13-19; Luke 6:12-16; Acts 1:13

(Huck 72; Aland 49; Crook 72, 103)^[232]

Updated: 29 November 2024

וַיְהִי בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם וַיִּקְרָא לְתַלְמִידָיו וַיִּבְחַר מֵהֶם שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה שְׁלִיחִים שִׁמְעוֹן פֶּטְרוֹס וְאַנְדְּרַיי אָחִיו וְיַעֲקֹב וְיוֹחָנָן וּפְלִיפּוֹס וּבַר תַּלְמַי וּמַתַּי וְתוֹמָה וְיַעֲקֹב בֶּן חַלְפִי וְשִׁמְעוֹן הַקַּנַּאי וִיהוּדָה בֶן יַעֲקֹב וִיהוּדָה אִישׁ קְרִיּוֹת שֶׁהָיָה מָסוֹר

And in those days Yeshua called his disciples together and chose twelve of them to be his emissaries to Israel. Their names were Shimon Petros and Andrai (his brother), Yaakov, Yohanan, Pelipos, Talmai’s son, Matai, Tomah, Yaakov Halfi’s son, zealous Shimon, Yehudah Yaakov’s son, and Yehudah from Keriyot, who was a traitor.^[233]

Reconstruction

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• ^[1] The phrase ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις (“in these days [plur.]”) occurs 3xx in LXX (Jdt. 14:8; Zech. 8:9, 15) but always appears in direct discourse, as opposed to the introduction of a narrative as in Luke 6:12. The use of “in these days” to introduce a narrative does not appear to be typical of Greek authors, since it never occurs in the Pseudepigrapha, the writings of Philo or the works of Josephus, and is not used in this manner in LXX or anywhere in NT except in writings authored by Luke. ↩
• ^[2] In LXX ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις occurs as the translation of בַּיָּמִים הָהֵם in Gen. 6:4; Deut. 17:9; 19:17; 26:3; Judg. 17:6; 18:1 (2xx); 19:1; 20:27, 28; 21:25; 1 Kgdms. 3:1; 28:1; 4 Kgdms. 10:32; 15:37; 20:1; 2 Chr. 32:24; 2 Esd. 16:17; 23:23; Zech. 8:6; Jer. 27[50]:20; 38[31]:29; Ezek. 38:17; Dan. 10:2. ↩
• ^[3] See Hatch-Redpath, 1:607-618. ↩
• ^[4] See Dos Santos, 79. ↩
• ^[5] See Randall Buth and Brian Kvasnica, “Critical Notes on the VTS” (JS1, 259-317), esp. 270; Randall Buth, “Distinguishing Hebrew from Aramaic in Semitized Greek Texts, with an Application for the Gospels and Pseudepigrapha” (JS2, 247-319), esp. 268-270. ↩
• ^[6] Luke’s source for Rich Man and Lazar has yet to be determined. The only other instance of ἐγένετο δὲ/καὶ ἐγένετο + infinitive as main verb in Luke occurs in Yeshua’s Immersion (Luke 3:31). There we attributed it to Lukan redaction. We find ἐγένετο δὲ/καὶ ἐγένετο + infinitive as main verb a several times in Acts (Acts 4:5; 9:3, 32, 37, 43; 11:26; 14:1; 16:6; 21:1, 5; 22:6, 17; 27:44; 28:8, 17). ↩
• ^[7] In this discussion we make a distinction between reciting blessings (referred to by the verbs εὐλογεῖν [evlogein, “to bless”] and εὐχαριστεῖν [evcharistein, “to thank”]), which Jesus did in public (cf. Matt. 14:19; Mark 6:41; Luke 9:16), and praying (referred to by the verb προσεύχεσθαι [prosevchesthai, “to pray”]), which Jesus did privately. On the use of εὐλογεῖν and εὐχαριστεῖν for blessings, see Peter J. Tomson, “Blessing in Disguise: Ευλογεω and Ευχαριστεω Between ‘Biblical’ and Everyday Greek Usage,” in Voces Biblicae: Septuagint Greek and its Significance for the New Testament (ed. Jan Joosten and Peter J. Tomson; Leuven: Peeters, 2007), 35-61. ↩
• ^[8] Mark reports Jesus praying privately in Mark 1:35 (no Matthean or Lukan parallel) and in Mark 6:46 in agreement with Matt. 14:23 (no Lukan parallel). ↩
• ^[9] Matt. 14:23 in agreement with Mark 6:46 (no Lukan parallel). Unlike Mark and Luke, Matthew mentions prayer in the Yeshua Blesses Children story (Matt. 19:13; cf. Mark 10:13; Luke 18:15). However, this is not an example of private prayer. ↩
• ^[10] Luke reports Jesus withdrawing for prayer in Luke 5:16 (cf. Mark 1:45; no Matthean parallel); 6:12 (cf. Mark 3:13; no Matthean parallel); 9:18 (cf. Matt. 16:13; Mark 8:27); 9:28-29 (cf. Matt. 17:1-2; Mark 9:2); 11:1 (no Markan or Matthean parallel). ↩
• ^[11] We count 84 Lukan-Matthean agreements against Mark’s use of the historical present. See “LOY Excursus: Mark’s Editorial Style,” under the subheading “Mark’s Freedom and Creativity.” ↩
• ^[12] On the historical present in LXX, see Hawkins, 213-214. ↩
• ^[13] For instance, διανυκτερεύειν occurs only 2xx in the huge corpus of Galen, 2xx in the works of Oribasius, 1x in Diodorus Siculus, 1x in Lucianus, and 3xx in Plutarch. ↩
• ^[14] In LXX we do find a single instance of the phrase προσευχὴ τῷ θεῷ (prosevchē tō theō, “prayer to God”; Ps. 41:9), which is the translation of תְּפִלָּה לְאֵל (t^efilāh l^e’ēl, “prayer to God”; Ps. 42:9). ↩
• ^[15] See Moulton-Geden, 868. ↩
• ^[16] In MT -קָרָא לְ in the sense of “summon” or “call” occurs in Gen. 12:18; 20:8, 9; 24:57, 58; 26:9; 27:42; 31:4, 54; 39:14; 46:33; 47:29; Exod. 2:20; 8:4, 21; 9:27; 10:16; 12:21, 31; 19:7, 20; 34:15; Lev. 9:1; Num. 16:12; 22:5, 20, 37; 25:2; Deut. 25:8; 31:7; Josh. 9:22; 22:1; 23:2; 24:1, 9; Judg. 4:6; 8:1; 12:1; 14:15; 16:18, 19, 25 (2xx); 1 Sam. 3:5, 6, 8 (2xx); 6:2; 16:3, 5; 19:7; 2 Sam. 1:15; 9:2; 11:13; 13:23; 1 Kgs. 1:9, 19, 25, 28, 32; 2:36, 42; 12:3; 2 Kgs. 3:10, 13; 4:12 (2xx), 15 (2xx); 8:1; 9:1; Isa. 22:20; Jer. 1:15; 3:4; 9:16; 42:8; Hos. 11:1, 2; Amos 5:8; 9:6; Ps. 57:3; Job 1:4; 12:4; Prov. 2:3; 9:15; Lam. 1:19; Esth. 4:5; Dan. 2:2; 1 Chr. 4:10; 15:11; 22:6; 2 Chr. 10:3; 18:12. ↩
• ^[17] In MT קָרָא אֶל in the sense of “summon” or “call” occurs in Gen. 19:5; 22:11; 28:1; 49:1; Exod. 3:4; 8:21; 10:24; 19:3; 24:16; 34:31; 36:2; Lev. 1:1; 10:4; Deut. 5:1; 29:1; Josh. 4:4; 10:24; Judg. 15:18; 16:28; 18:23; 1 Sam. 3:4, 9; 9:26; 12:17, 18; 16:8; 17:8; 26:14 (2xx); 29:6; 2 Sam. 1:7; 2:26; 14:33; 15:2; 1 Kgs. 8:43; 13:21; 17:10, 11, 20, 21; 18:3; 2 Kgs. 4:22, 36 (2xx); 6:11; 7:10; 10:19; 18:18; Jer. 7:27; 33:3; 42:8; Ezek. 9:3; 36:29; Jonah 1:6, 14; 3:8; Ps. 50:4; 99:6; Esth. 4:11; 1 Chr. 21:26; 2 Chr. 6:33; 14:10. ↩
• ^[18] In MT קָרָא אֶת in the sense of “summon” or “call” occurs in Gen. 27:1; 41:8, 14; Exod. 2:8; Deut. 31:14; 1 Sam. 3:16; 22:11; 2 Sam. 13:17; 1 Kgs. 1:9, 10; 12:20; Jer. 7:13; 29:12; 36:4; Neh. 5:12. ↩
• ^[19] In the Mishnah -קָרָא לְ usually means “to designate” or “to read.” ↩
• ^[20] The two examples from Avot de-Rabbi Natan cited here describe interactions between Roman aristocrats and Rabbi Zadok and Rabbi Akiva, respectively. On these incidents, see Moshe David Herr, “The Historical Significance of the Dialogues Between Jewish Sages and Roman Dignitaries,” Scripta Hierosolymitana 22 (1971): 123-150, esp. 136-137. ↩
• ^[21] On the unique importance of this baraita, see David N. Bivin and Joshua N. Tilton, “Introduction to ‘The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction’ Addendum: Linguistic Features of the Baraita in b. Kid. 66a.” ↩
• ^[22] See David N. Bivin, “The Traveling Teacher,” under the subheading “Making Disciples.” ↩
• ^[23] See John P. Meier, "The Circle of the Twelve: Did It Exist During Jesus' Public Ministry?" Journal of Biblical Literature 116.4 (1997): 635-672, esp. 638 n. 8. ↩
• ^[24] See the discussion in Sending the Twelve: Commissioning, under the subheading “Conjectured Stages of Transmission.” ↩
• ^[25] In the margins of his copy of Vincent Taylor, The Gospel According to St. Mark (2d ed.; London: Macmillan, 1966), 234, Lindsey wrote, “Mk. 3:14-15 are a doublet of Mk. 6:7.... It is clear that Mk., in contrast to Lk., is mixing calling & sending preambles, and Mt. takes this lead in Mk. to combine the two.” ↩
• ^[26] The combination of ἀπέρχεσθαι + πρός occurs in Mark 3:13; 14:10; Luke 24:12; John 4:47; 6:68; 11:46; 20:10; Rev. 10:9. ↩
• ^[27] The combination of ἀπέρχεσθαι + πρός occurs in Gen. 15:15; 24:54, 56; 31:18; Exod. 5:4; Num. 24:25; 1 Kgdms. 25:5; 4 Kgdms. 6:22, 23; 1 Macc. 7:20. ↩
• ^[28] The combination of ἀπέρχεσθαι + πρός occurs in J.W. 6:380; Ant. 5:287; 6:157; 7:132, 204; 8:269, 385; 10:60; 12:162, 196, 209; 13:156; 14:448. ↩
• ^[29] See Taylor, 230; Nolland, Luke, 1:269; France, 160. ↩
• ^[30] Sometimes 1 Sam. 12:6 is also cited as an example, where עָשָׂה means “he appointed,” however BDB (795) does not do so, and it seems that in this case אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה אֶת מֹשֶׁה וְאֶת אַהֲרֹן can just as easily mean “who made” or “who created Moses and Aaron,” for in the other instances where עָשָׂה means “appoint,” the office to which the person is appointed is specified. ↩
• ^[31] On ἀπόστολος as the Greek equivalent of שָׁלִיחַ, see below, Comment to L10-11. ↩
• ^[32] For further examples where עָשָׂה is used for “appoint an agent,” see y. Ter. 1:1 [4b]; y. Yev. 13:2 [72a]; b. Ned. 8b; b. Kid. 23b. ↩
• ^[33] In NT the verb ἐκλέγειν appears in Mark 13:20; Luke 6:13; 9:35; 10:42; 14:7; John 6:70; 13:18; 15:16 (2xx), 19; Acts 1:2, 24; 6:5; 13:17; 15:7, 22, 25; 1 Cor. 1:27 (2xx), 28; Eph. 1:4; James 2:5. ↩
• ^[34] Examples of ִבָּחַר + מִן in MT include Exod. 18:25; Deut. 12:5; 18:5; 1 Sam. 2:28; 2 Sam. 10:9; 24:12; 1 Kgs. 8:16; 11:32; 2 Kgs. 21:7; 1 Chr. 19:10; 21:10; 2 Chr. 6:5; 33:7. For examples in DSS, see 1QH^a VII, 26-27; 5Q13 1 I, 6; 11QT^a [11Q19] LX, 10. ↩
• ^[35] Cf. Gen. 6:2, where וַיִּקְחוּ לָהֶם נָשִׁים מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר בָּחָרוּ is translated as ἔλαβον ἑαυτοῖς γυναῖκας ἀπὸ πασῶν ὧν ἐξελέξαντο. ↩
• ^[36] See Metzger, 80. ↩
• ^[37] On the rationale for basing our reconstruction on a single NT manuscript, see the “Introduction to ‘The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction,'” under the subheading "Codex Vaticanus or an Eclectic Text?" ↩
• ^[38] In LXX ὀνομάζειν translates ק-ר-א in Deut. 2:20 and Jer. 32[25]:29. ↩
• ^[39] In LXX ὀνομάζειν translates ז-כ-ר in Josh. 23:7; Amos 6:10; Isa. 19:17; 26:13; Jer. 3:16; 20:9; 23:36. ↩
• ^[40] In LXX ὀνομάζειν translates נ-ק-ב in Lev. 24:16 (2xx); Isa. 62:2; 1 Chr. 12:32; 2 Chr. 31:19. ↩
• ^[41] In LXX books that have no counterpart in MT, ὀνομάζειν occurs in 1 Esd. 4:63; 1 Macc. 3:9; 14:10; 3 Macc. 7:17; Wis. 2:13; 14:8; Sir. 23:10; Bar. 4:30. ↩
• ^[42] Cf. Philo, Spec. 2:200. ↩
• ^[43] See above, Comment to L11. ↩
• ^[44] In the Pentateuch alone δώδεκα occurs as the translation of שְׁנֵים עָשָׂר/שְׁתֵּים עֶשְׂרֵה in Gen. 5:8; 14:4; 17:20; 25:16; 35:22; 42:13, 32; 49:28; Exod. 15:27; 24:4 (2xx); 36:21 (2xx); Lev. 24:5; Num. 1:44; 7:83 (3xx), 86, 87 (4xx); 17:17, 21; 29:17; 31:5; 33:9; Deut. 1:23. ↩
• ^[45] On the Kingdom of Heaven in Jesus' teaching, see David N. Bivin and Joshua N. Tilton, “LOY Excursus: The Kingdom of Heaven in the Life of Yeshua.” ↩
• ^[46] See Davies-Allison, 2:152; Nolland, Matt., 409. ↩
• ^[47] See Daniel R. Schwartz, “The Tribes of As. Mos. 4:7-9,” Journal of Biblical Literature 99 (1980): 217-223; Shlomo Pines, “Notes on the Twelve Tribes in Qumran, Early Christianity and Christian Tradition,” in Messiah and Christos: Studies in the Jewish Origins of Christianity Presented to David Flusser on the Occasion of his Seventy-fifth Birthday (ed. Ithmar Gruenwald, Shaul Shaked, Gedaliahu G. Stroumsa; Tübingen: Mohr, 1992), 151-154. ↩
• ^[48] For examples of the eschatological restoration of the twelve tribes, cf. Isa. 49:6; Sir. 36:11; 48:10; Pss. Sol. 17:21-29; Rev. 7:4-8; 4 Ezra 13:39-47. According to m. Sanh. 10:3 (cf. t. Sanh. 13:12), Rabbi Akiva denied that the lost tribes would be restored, whereas Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, who usually preserved older and more conservative traditions, maintained that the lost tribes will someday be restored. ↩
• ^[49] See Richard A. Horsely, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 203-206. ↩
• ^[50] See Brian Schultz, Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 205. ↩
• ^[51] See David Flusser, “The Isaiah Pesher and the Notion of the Twelve Apostles in the Early Church” (Flusser, JSTP2, 305-326); Joseph M. Baumgarten, “The Duodecimal Courts of Qumran, Revelation, and the Sanhedrin,” Journal of Biblical Literature 95 (1976): 59-78. ↩
• ^[52] See the lists of Jerusalem Bishops in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4:5 §3-4; 5:12 §1-2; Epiphanius, Panarion 66:21-22; and the discussion of these lists in Richard Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1990), 70-76; cf. Jack Poirier, “Essenic Piety and the Epistle of James.” ↩
• ^[53] Cf. Bundy, 251. ↩
• ^[54] Moreover, as numerous scholars have pointed out, Judas the traitor is consistently identified as “one of the Twelve.” It is difficult to understand why the early Christians would invent such an embarrassing story about the Twelve if this body had not come into existence until after the resurrection. The most plausible explanation for Judas' inclusion in this body is that the Twelve already existed prior to Jesus' crucifixion. See Fredriksen, From Jesus, 102; Meier, “The Circle of the Twelve,” 663-667. ↩
• ^[55] The relative pronoun ὅς occurs as the translation of אֲשֶׁר in Gen. 1:7, 11, 12, 21, 29 (2xx), 30; 2:2 (2xx), 3, 8, 11, 19, 22; 3:1, 3, 11, 12, 17, 23; 4:11; 5:5, 29; 6:2, 7, 17, 21; 7:4, 15, 19, 22, 23; 8:6; 9:3, 12 (2xx), 15, 16, 17 (2xx); 11:5. The relative pronoun ὅς occurs as the translation of כִּי (ki, “that,” “because”) in Gen. 2:17; 3:5, 19 and 4:15 and was supplied by the LXX translators in Gen. 2:4, 15; 5:1, 2, 27; 8:13; 11:4, 28. ↩
• ^[56] On the laws pertaining to the shāliaḥ as these were worked out in rabbinic sources, see Z. W. Falk, "Jewish Private Law" (Safrai-Stern, 2:504-534, esp.512-513). ↩
• ^[57] The rabbinic formulation is: שְׁלוּחוֹ שֶׁלָּאָדָם כְּמוֹתוֹ ("the emissary of a man is as himself"; m. Ber. 5:5; t. Taan. 3:2; Mechilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, Pisḥa chpt. 3 [ed. Lauterbach, 1:18]). In rabbinic sources שָׁלִיחַ and שָׁלוּחַ are synonymous and interchangeable. ↩
• ^[58] See Peter J. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakhah in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRINT III.1; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990), 146-147; idem, If This Be, 132-13. ↩
• ^[59] See Sandt-Flusser, 353. ↩
• ^[60] On Matt. 16:19, see David N. Bivin, “‘Binding’ and ‘Loosing’ in the Kingdom of Heaven.” ↩
• ^[61] See also Peter J. Tomson, “Halakic Correspondence in Antiquity: Qumran, Paul, and the Babylonian Talmud,” in Reinterpreting Revelation and Tradition: Jews and Christians in Conversation (ed. John T. Pawlikowski and Hayim Goren Perelmuter; Franklin, Wisc.: Sheed & Ward, 2000), 201-230. ↩
• ^[62] Referring to his own day (first half of the fourth cent. C.E.), Eusebius wrote:

  Ἀποστόλους δὲ εἰσέτι καὶ νῦν ἔθος ἐστὶν Ἰουδαίοις ὀνομάζειν τοὺς ἐγκύκλια γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων αὐτῶν ἐπικομιζομένους.

  And it is convention even now to call those who bear circular letters from the Jewish rulers apostles. (Commentary on Isaiah 18:1)

  The English translation is according to Commentary on Isaiah: Eusebius of Caesarea (trans. Jonathan J. Armstrong; Ancient Christian Texts; Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity, 2013), 91. ↩

• ^[63] Referring to the Jewish patriarchs in the land of Israel late in Constantine’s reign (mid-fourth cent. C.E.), Epiphanius wrote:

  εἰσὶ δὲ οὓτοι μετὰ τὸν πατριὰρχην ἀπόστολοι καλούμενοι, προσεδεὺουσι δὲ τῲ πατριάρχῃ, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ πολλάκις καὶ ἐν νυκτὶ καὶ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ συνεχῶς διάγουσι διὰ τὸ συμβουλεύειν καὶ ἀναφέρειν αὐτῷ τὰ κατὰ νόμον.

  There are such persons, called “apostles,” <who> stand next after the patriarch. They attend on the patriarch, and often stay with him day and night without intermission, to give him counsel and refer matters of law to him. (Panarion 30:4 §2)

  The English translation is according to The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis (trans. Frank Williams; 2 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 1987), 1:122. ↩

• ^[64] In his commentary on Galatians Jerome states:

  Apostolus autem, hoc est, “missus,” Hebraeorum proprie vocabulum est, quod Silas quoque sonat, cui a mittendo “missi” nomen impositum est.

  Now “apostle,” that is, “one sent,” is a uniquely Hebrew word that is expressed as well by the name “Silas,” which derives from sending and was given to him when he was sent. (Comm. Gal. 1:1)

  Jerome’s comment may reflect his awareness that ἀπόστολος is not used in the sense of “emissary” outside Christian sources (see below) and that this Christian usage is based on the Greek translation of a Hebrew term. “Silas” may be “a bad transliteration” of שָׁלִיחַ “with transposition of the vowels,” to use the words of Foakes Jackson-Lake (5:48 n. 2); cf. Karl H. Rengstorf, “ἀπόστολος,” TDNT 1:414: “Slias [sic] from שליחא.” The quotation of Jerome is according to St. Jerome’s Commentaries on Galatians, Titus, and Philemon (trans. Thomas P. Scheck; Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2010), 53-54. ↩

• ^[65] The Theodosian Code states:

  Superstitionis indignae est, ut archisynagogi sive presbyteri iudaeorum vel quos ipsi apostolos vocant, qui ad exigendum aurum adque argentum a patriarcha certo tempore diriguntur, a singulis synagogis exactam summam adque susceptam ad eundem reportent. Qua de re omne, quidquid considerata temporis ratione confidimus esse collectum, fideliter ad nostrum dirigatur aerarium: de cetero autem nihil praedicto decernimus esse mittendum. Noverint igitur populi iudaeorum removisse nos depraedationis huiusmodi functionem. Quod si qui ab illo depopulatore iudaeorum ad hoc officium exactionis fuerint directi, iudicibus offerantur, ita ut tamquam in legum nostrarum violatores sententia proferatur.

  It is characteristic of an unworthy superstition that the rulers of the synagogues or the elders of the Jews or those whom they themselves call apostles, who are dispatched by the patriarch at a certain time to collect gold and silver, should bring back to the patriarch the sum which has been exacted and collected from each of the synagogues. Wherefore, everything that we are confident has been collected, taking into consideration the period of time, shall be faithfully dispatched to our treasury. For the future, moreover, we decree that nothing shall be sent to the aforesaid patriarch. The people of the Jews shall know, therefore, that we have abolished the practice of such depredation. But if any persons should be sent on such a mission of collection by that despoiler of the Jews, they shall be brought before the judges, in order that a sentence may be pronounced against them as violators of our laws. (Theodosian Code 16:8 §14 [April 11, 399 C.E.])

  The English translation is adapted from The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions: A Translation with Commentary, Glossary, and Bibliography (trans. Clyde Pharr; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952). ↩

• ^[66] For the patristic references, we are indebted to Foakes Jackson-Lake, 5:48-49. Rengstorf noted that in the Syrian church the word for apostle was שְׁלִיחָא (sh^eliḥā’), a cognate of the Hebrew shāliaḥ (“ἀπόστολος,” TDNT 1:407-445, esp. 414). We also note that in a Jewish-Christian source preserved in Arabic, the Pauline Epistles are referred to as “The Apostle,” in Arabic salīḥ, a translation of the Syriac sh^eliḥā’. See Samuel M. Stern, “‘Abd Al-Jabbar’s Account of how Christ’s Religion was Falsified by the Adoption of Roman Customs,” Journal of Theological Studies 19.1 (1968): 128-185, esp. 133 n. 6. On the origins of this Arabic text, see Shlomo Pines, “The Jewish Christians of the Early Centuries According to a New Source,” Proceedings of the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 2 (1968). ↩
• ^[67] See Foakes Jackson-Lake, 5:46; Rengstorf, “ἀπόστολος,” TDNT 1:407-408. ↩
• ^[68] See C. K. Barrett, “Shaliaḥ and Apostle,” in Donum Gentilicum: New Testament Studies in Honour of David Daube (ed. E. Bammel, C. K. Barrett, and W. D. Davies; Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 88-102; Francis H. Agnew, “The Origin of the NT Apostle-Concept: A Review of Research,” Journal of Biblical Literature 105.1 (1986): 75-96; Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law, 147; Davies-Allison, 2:153-154; Sandt-Flusser, 354 n. 76. ↩
• ^[69] Cf. Marcus, 265. ↩
• ^[70] According to France (157), "The clause καὶ ἐποίησεν τοὺς δώδεκα...both resumes the sense after the long double ἵνα clause setting out the function of the Twelve, and now provides a titular heading (note τοὺς δώδεκα here, unlike v. 14) for the list which follows." ↩
• ^[71] See Mann, 248-249; France, 160. ↩
• ^[72] See Metzger, 81. ↩
• ^[73] In Num. 6:23 (= 6:27 MT) ἐπιτιθέναι + ὄνομα does not mean “to give a name,” rather it appears in the phrase “and they shall put my name on the sons of Israel” (NETS). ↩
• ^[74] Usually in MT שָׂם שֵׁם appears in phrases like “in Jerusalem I will place my name” or “to put your/his/my name there.” For examples of “in Jerusalem I will place my name” or “to put a name there” in which שָׂם שֵׁם appears, see Deut. 12:21; 14:24; 1 Kgs. 9:3; 11:36; 14:21; 2 Kgs. 21:4, 7; 2 Chr. 6:20; 12:13; 33:7. Cf. 4Q216 II, 10. ↩
• ^[75] Text according to MS Jerusalem, Yad Harav Herzog 1. With the exception of a few differences in spelling the text of MS Firenze, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, II.1.8-9 is identical. See the National Library of Israel’s Rabbinic Manuscripts Online. ↩
• ^[76] See Tal Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity: Part I Palestine 330 BCE—200 CE (Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 2002), 284 n. 2. ↩
• ^[77] The phrase τὰ ὀνόματά ἐστιν ταῦτα in Matt. 10:2 (L11) is more likely a redactional bridge written by the author of Matthew than a reflection of a Hebraic source. ↩
• ^[78] See LSJ, “Σίμων,” 1599; cf. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 226 n. 2. The derivation of the Greek name Σίμων from σιμός (simos, “snub-nosed”), tentatively suggested by some scholars and confidently asserted by others, is improbable. See E. P. Blair, “Simon,” in The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible: An Illustrated Encyclopedia (5 vols.; ed. George A. Buttrick, et al.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1962), 4:357; Margaret H. Williams, “Palestinian Jewish Personal Names in Acts,” in The Book of Acts in its Palestinian Setting (ed. Richard Bauckham; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 79-113, esp. 93. ↩
• ^[79] In LXX Συμεων transliterates שִׁמְעוֹן‎ 46xx in books where there is a Hebrew counterpart in MT. The name Συμεων appears another 5xx in books that have no Hebrew counterpart (2xx in Judith; 2xx in 1 Macc.; 1x in 4 Macc.). In 2 Esd. 10:31 שִׁמְעוֹן is transliterated as Σεμεων. ↩
• ^[80] On this point, see Daniel R. Schwartz, “Mattathias’ Final Speech (1 Maccabees 2): From Religious Zeal to Simonide Propaganda,” in ‘Go Out and Study the Land’ (Judges 18:2): Archaeological, Historical and Textual Studies in Honor of Hanan Eshel (ed. Aren M. Maeir, Jodi Magness, and Lawrence H. Schiffman; Leiden: Brill, 2012), 213-223, esp. 219. ↩
• ^[81] Shimon ben Kimhit is also mentioned in y. Yom. 1:1 [5a]; y. Meg. 1:12 [14a]; y. Hor. 3:2 [16b]. In b. Yom. 47a, however, his name is given as Ishmael ben Kimhit. See James C. Vanderkam, From Joshua to Caiaphas: High Priests after the Exile (Minneapolis: Fortress; Assen: Van Gorcum, 2004), 425-426. ↩
• ^[82] On the identification of the Simon son of Gamaliel mentioned in Josephus with the Shimon ben Gamliel mentioned in m. Avot 1:18—as opposed to this man’s grandson who bore the same name—see R. Travers Herford, ed., The Ethics of the Talmud: Sayings of the Fathers (New York: Schocken, 1962), 36-38. ↩
• ^[83] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 231 n. 214, 232 n. 257, n. 258. ↩
• ^[84] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 233 n. 314, 234 n. 387, n. 391. Likewise, the high priest who is named Simon son of Onias (Σιμων Ονιου) in the Greek translation of Ben Sira (Sir. 50:1) is referred to as Shimon ben Yohanan (שמעון בן יוחנן) in a Hebrew manuscript of Ben Sira (MS B 19r 7). Both Josephus and rabbinic sources refer to a high priest named “Simon the Righteous” (Ant. 12:43 [Σίμων...ὁ καὶ δίκαιος ἐπικληθεὶς]; m. Avot 1:2 [שִׁמְעוֹן הַצַדִּיק]), who may be identical with the high priest mentioned in Ben Sira. However, in this case there is a problem of chronology, since it is possible that whereas Josephus refers to Simon I of the pre-Hasmonean, Zadokite line, the rabbinic sources may refer to his grandson Simon II. See Vanderkam, From Joshua to Caiaphas, 137-157. ↩
• ^[85] Simon Peter is also referred to as Συμεων in 2 Peter 1:1. ↩
• ^[86] For examples of the name סמון appearing on Jewish ossuaries, see Rahmani, nos. 41, 61, 150, 151, 200. This name also appears on a first-century ostracon discovered at Masada (Mas. no. 415). The name סימון (simōn) appears in both Talmuds as the name of several different sages of the amoraic period. See Jastrow, 981. ↩
• ^[87] The eight examples of ὁ λεγόμενος meaning “the one called” in LXX are found in 1 Sam. 21:3; 1 Esd. 8:41; 2 Macc. 9:2; 12:17, 21, 32; 14:6; 3 Macc. 4:11. ↩
• ^[88] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 303. ↩
• ^[89] See David N. Bivin, “Jesus’ Petros-petra Wordplay” (JS2, 389-392). ↩
• ^[90] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 436. ↩
• ^[91] For this example, see Frank Langfitt, “So Long 'Cinderella,' Website Helps Chinese Find Better English Names,” National Public Radio Morning Edition, April 20, 2015. ↩
• ^[92] A comparable example of a Greek word used as a Hebrew nickname is nōtōs, attested at Qumran (4Q477 2 II, 5 [נותוס]) and Masada (Mas. no. 462 [נוטוס]). This nickname probably comes from the Greek word νότος (notos, “south,” “southern”). See Esther Eshel, “Personal Names in the Qumran Sect,” in These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics vol. 1 (ed. Aaron Demsky, Joseph A. Reif, and Joseph Tabory; Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan, 1997), 39-52, esp. 51; Rachel Hachlili, "Hebrew Names, Personal Names, Family Names and Nicknames of Jews in the Second Temple Period," in Families and Family Relations as Represented in Early Judaisms and Early Christianities: Texts and Fictions (ed. Jan Willem van Henten and Athalya Brenner; Leiden: Deo, 2000), 83-115, esp. 99; David N. Bivin, “Hananiah Notos: The Never-ending Importance of the Dead Sea Scrolls”; idem, “Jesus’ Petros-petra Wordplay” (JS2, 381 n. 17). Another example is the name יהודה יסון (y^ehūdāh yāsōn), found on an ossuary (Rahmani, no. 477). ↩
• ^[93] For a fuller discussion, see David N. Bivin, “Matthew 16:18: The Petros-petra Wordplay—Greek, Aramaic, or Hebrew?” ↩
• ^[94] Cf. Mann, 249. ↩
• ^[95] See Robert L. Lindsey, “Introduction to A Hebrew Translation of the Gospel of Mark,” under the subheading “Sources of the Markan Pick-ups”; idem, “Measuring the Disparity Between Matthew, Mark and Luke”; Joshua N. Tilton and David N. Bivin, “LOY Excursus: Catalog of Markan Stereotypes and Possible Markan Pick-ups.” ↩
• ^[96] See Fitzmyer, 1:618. ↩
• ^[97] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 262-263. Nolland (Luke, 1:270) cites Cassius Dio (Hist. Rom. 68:32.1), who mentions a Jew named Andreas from Crete who led a revolt against Trajan in 115-117 C.E. (cf. Joseph Jacobs, “Andrew,” JE 1:580). According to Stern, Cassius Dio is the only ancient author to refer to this leader as Andreas—other sources call him Lukas (Stern, 2:385-389). ↩
• ^[98] Cf. Jastrow, 81, 82. ↩
• ^[99] See Lightfoot 2:178. ↩
• ^[100] See Robert L. Lindsey, “The Major Importance of the ‘Minor’ Agreements.” ↩
• ^[101] See Joseph A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles (AB 31; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 214. Peter and John are mentioned together in Acts 3:1, 3, 4, 11; 4:13, 19; 8:14. ↩
• ^[102] The order Peter, John and James also appears in Luke 8:51 (Mark 5:37 has Peter, James and John) and 9:28 (Matt. 17:1 and Mark 9:2 have Peter, James and John), and in Luke 22:8 Peter and John appear as a pair (Mark 14:13 merely has “two disciples”; cf. Matt. 26:17). In Gal. 2:9 Paul mentions Cephas (i.e., Peter) and John together with James the brother of Jesus as pillars of the Church. ↩
• ^[103] The form “James” is the result of this name passing from Greek to Latin to Old French before reaching English. See The Oxford English Dictionary (13 vols.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933), 8:549. ↩
• ^[104] The form Ἰακώβ occurs 118xx in the writings of Philo. ↩
• ^[105] See Hachlili, "Hebrew Names, Personal Names, Family Names and Nicknames of Jews in the Second Temple Period," 85; Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 171-174. ↩
• ^[106] For the spelling יעקב on ossuaries, see Rahmani, nos. 285 and 290. The short spelling was also found on a jar from Masada (Mas. no. 472). For the spelling יעקוב on ossuaries, see Rahmani, nos. 104, 396 and 678. The long spelling was also found on an ostracon and on jars from Masada (Mas. nos. 402, 500, 501). ↩
• ^[107] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 172 no. 38. ↩
• ^[108] The name זְבַדְיָה occurs 6xx in MT: Ezra 8:8 (= Ζαβδια; 2 Esd. 8:8); 10:20 (= Ζαβδια; 2 Esd. 10:20); 1 Chr. 8:15 (= Ζαβαδια), 17 (= Ζαβαδια); 12:8 (= Ζαβαδια); 27:7 (= Ζαβδιας). ↩
• ^[109] The name זַבְדִּי occurs 6xx in MT: Josh. 7:1 (= Ζαμβρι), 17 (no Greek equivalent), 18 (= Ζαμβρι); Neh. 11:17 (no Greek equivalent); 1 Chr. 8:19 (= Ζαβδι); 27:27 (= Ζαχρι). Elsewhere in LXX, Ζαμβρι (Zambri) usually stands for זִמְרִי (zimri): Num 25:14; 3 Kgdms. 16:9, 10, 15, 16, 18, 20; 4 Kgdms. 9:31; 1 Chr. 2:6; 8:36 (2xx); 9:42 (2xx). In Mic. 6:16 we find Ζαμβρι where MT has עָמְרִי (‘omri). In 2 Chr. 17:16 Ζαχρι (Zachri) stands for זִכְרִי (zichri). ↩
• ^[110] The name זְבַדְיָהוּ occurs in 1 Chr. 26:2 (= Ζαβαδιας); 2 Chr. 17:8 (= Ζαβδιας); 19:11 (= Ζαβδιας). ↩
• ^[111] Ilan notes that there is not a single example of a name with the theophoric יָהוּ- ending from the Second Temple period. See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 5. ↩
• ^[112] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 89 no. 2. In rabbinic literature the form זבדיה is found in y. Ber. 1:2 [7b] and y. Sot. 1:4 [5a]. ↩
• ^[113] For these examples, see Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 24. ↩
• ^[114] In rabbinic literature a individual named זַבְדִּי בֶּן לֵוִי ("Zavdi ben Levi") is mentioned in Gen. Rab. 19:8 (ed. Theodor-Albeck, 1:178), 92:2 (ed. Theodor-Albeck, 3:1138); Lev. Rab. 7:2 (ed. Margulies, 2:103). Cf. Exod. Rab. 52:3 (ed. Merkin, 6:215); y. Ber. 1:2 [7b]. ↩
• ^[115] See “LOY Excursus: Mark’s Editorial Style,” under the subheading “Mark’s Freedom and Creativity.” ↩
• ^[116] Scholars rank the relative frequency of names differently, but the fact that “John” was among the most common is not disputed. See Hachlili, “Hebrew Names, Personal Names, Family Names and Nicknames of Jews in the Second Temple Period,” 113-115; Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 56-57; Richard Bauckham, Jesus and the Eyewitnesses: The Gosepls as Eyewitness Testimony (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2006), 70. ↩
• ^[117] In 1 Chr. 5:36 the name יוֹחָנָן is rendered as Ιωανας. ↩
• ^[118] The form Ἰωάννης occurs 1x in 1 Esd. 9:29; 13xx in 1 Macc.; 1x in 2 Macc.; 3xx in Let. Aris.; 140xx in NT; 188xx in the works of Josephus. ↩
• ^[119] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 134-143. ↩
• ^[120] On the rationale for basing our reconstruction on a single NT manuscript, see David N. Bivin and Joshua N. Tilton, “Introduction to ‘The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction,’” under the subheading "Codex Vaticanus or an Eclectic Text?" ↩
• ^[121] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 138 n. 23. ↩
• ^[122] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 431; Craig A. Evans, Jesus and the Ossuaries (Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2003), 73. ↩
• ^[123] Both βανε and βονε are acceptable transliterations of בְּנֵי. See Randall Buth, "Mark 3:17 ΒΟΑΝΕΡΕΓΕΜ and Popular Etymology," Journal for the Study of the New Testament 10 (1981): 29-33, esp. 29, 31 n. 3. The letter ע (‘ayin) is frequently transliterated to Greek with γ (gamma), e.g., רְעוּאֵל (r^e‘ū’ēl; Exod. 2:18) is transliterated in LXX as Ραγουηλ (Ragouēl). See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 18; Buth, “ΒΟΑΝΕΡΕΓΕΜ and Popular Etymology,” 33 n. 12. ↩
• ^[124] See Robert L. Lindsey, “A New Two-source Solution to the Synoptic Problem,” footnote 19; idem, HTGM, 95. See also John T. Rook, “‘Boanerges, Sons of Thunder’ (Mark 3:17),” Journal of Biblical Literature 100.1 (1981): 94-95. ↩
• ^[125] See Buth, “ΒΟΑΝΕΡΕΓΕΜ and Popular Etymology,” 29; idem, “The Riddle of Jesus’ Cry from the Cross: The Meaning of ηλι ηλι λαμα σαβαχθανι (Matthew 27:46) and the Literary Function of ελωι ελωι λειμα σαβαχθανι (Mark 15:34)” (JS2, 407). ↩
• ^[126] Buth, “ΒΟΑΝΕΡΕΓΕΜ and Popular Etymology,” 30-31. According to Buth, the spelling Βοανεργες, which appears in Byzantine texts, is preferable to the spelling Βοανηργες known from Alexandrian texts. ↩
• ^[127] A similar construction, relative pronoun + ἐστιν + μεθερμηνευόμενον (“being translated”) + Greek equivalent of the word or phrase in question, used as an explanatory gloss is also found in the Gospels: 1x in Matt. (Matt. 1:23); 3xx in Mark (Mark 5:41; 15:22, 34); 0xx in Luke; 1x in John (John 1:41; cf. John 1:38); 1x in Acts (Acts 4:36). ↩
• ^[128] In Matt. 27:33 we find Γολγοθᾶ, ὅ ἐστιν Κρανίου Τόπος λεγόμενος (“Golgotha, which is called Place of a Skull”), which is like the construction under discussion (relative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun [without participle]), but it adds the participle λεγόμενος. ↩
• ^[129] See Hawkins, 34; cf. Mann, 169. ↩
• ^[130] By contrast, the similar, though distinct, construction demonstrative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle), which occurs 22xx in LXX, appears 21xx as the translation of the Hebrew construction personal pronoun + noun, e.g., Ιεβους αὕτη ἐστὶν Ιερουσαλημ = יְבוּס הִיא יְרוּשָׁלִָם (“Jebus, that is, Jerusalem”; Judg. 19:10). See Gen. 14:2, 7, 8, 17; 23:19; 35:19, 27; 48:7; Num. 27:14; 33:36; Josh. 15:8, 9, 10, 54; 18:13, 14, 28; 20:7; Judg. 19:10; 3 Kgdms. 8:1; 2 Chr. 20:2. Only in Josh. 15:59 is there no Hebrew equivalent to the Greek construction demonstrative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle). ↩
• ^[131] In LXX the construction relative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle) is found in Gen. 30:18 (Ισσαχαρ ὅ ἐστιν Μισθός [no Hebrew equivalent]); 35:6 (Λουζα...ἥ ἐστιν Βαιθηλ = לוּזָה...הִוא בֵּית אֵל); Exod. 1:11 (Ων, ἥ ἐστιν Ἡλίου πόλις [no Hebrew equivalent]); Deut. 4:48 (Σηων ὅ ἐστιν Αερμων = שִׂיאֹן הוּא חֶרְמוֹן); Judg. 1:27 (Βαιθσαν ἥ ἐστιν Σκυθῶν πόλις [no Hebrew equivalent]); 2 Kgdms. 24:6 (εἰς γῆν Θαβασων ἥ ἐστιν Αδασαι = וְאֶל אֶרֶץ תַּחְתִּים חָדְשִׁי [thus no equivalent for ἥ ἐστιν]); 4 Kgdms. 9:27 (ἐν τῷ ἀναβαίνειν Γαι ἥ ἐστιν Ιεβλααμ = בְּמַעֲלֵה גוּר אֲשֶׁר אֶת יִבְלְעָם); ‎2 Esd. 4:9 (Σουσαναχαῖοι οἵ εἰσιν Ηλαμαῖοι = שׁוּשַׁנְכָיֵא דֶּהָוֵא עֵלְמָיֵא); Tob. 2:1 (ἐν τῇ πεντηκοστῇ τῇ ἑορτῇ ἥ ἐστιν ἁγία ἑπτὰ ἑβδομάδων [no equivalent in Aramaic 4Q196 = 4QpapTob^b ar 2 I, 10]). ↩
• ^[132] In the Pseudepigrapha, the construction relative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle) is found, e.g., in T. Levi 11:6, 7; T. Benj. 1:6. ↩
• ^[133] In the writings of Philo, the construction relative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle) is found in Leg. 3:45 (2xx); Cher. §7; Post. §44; Her. 78. ↩
• ^[134] In the writings of Josephus, the construction relative pronoun + ἐστιν + noun (without participle) is found in Ant. 1:81; 7:67. ↩
• ^[135] According to Justin Martyr:

  Καὶ τὸ εἰπεῖν μετωνομακέναι αὐτὸν Πέτρον ἕνα τῶν ἀποστόλων, καὶ γεγράφθαι έν τοῖς ἀπομνημονεύμασιν αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον καὶ τοῦτο, μετὰ τοῦ καὶ ἄλλους δύο ἀδελφοὺς, υἱοὺς Ζεβεδαίου ὄντας, μετωνομακέναι ὀνόματι τοῦ Βοανεργὲς, ὅ ἐστιν υἱοὶ βροντῆς....

  And when it is said that he changed the name of one of his disciples to Peter; and when it is written in his memoirs that this so happened, as well as that he changed the names of the other two brothers, the sons of Zebedee, to Boanerges, which means the sons of thunder.... (Dial., chpt. 106)

  Translation adapted from The Ante-Nicene Fathers (10 vols.; ed. Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and Allan Menzies; repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980-1986), 1:252.

  Does “his memoirs” in Justin’s statement refer to the memoirs of Peter, and thereby hint at the tradition that the Gospel of Mark is based on the recollections of Peter (cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3:39 §15), or does “his memoirs” refer rather to recollections about Jesus, perhaps refering to a noncanonical source? Justin’s wording is ambiguous. Against the identification of the Gospel of Mark as Justin’s source for the Boanerges tradition, Griesbach noted that Justin never cited Mark’s Gospel anywhere else in his writings (see Bernard Orchard, trans., “A Demonstration That Mark Was Written After Matthew and Luke [A translation of J. J. Greisbach’s Commentatio qua Marci Evangelium totum e Matthaei et Lucae commentariis decerptum esse monstratur],” in J. J. Griesbach: Synoptic and Text-Critical Studies 1776-1976 [ed. Bernard Orchard and Thomas R. W. Longstaff; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978], 103-135, esp. 116). Griesbach also noted that Justin never refers to ἀπομνημονεύματων Πέτρου (“recollections of Peter”), but either refers simply to ἀπομνημονεύματα (“recollections”) or to ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων (“recollections of the apostles”); however, Trollope (2:74) noted that the phrase ἀπoμνημονεύματα Χριστοῦ (“recollections about Christ”) never occurs in the writings of Justin either. In any case, it is possible that Justin Martyr drew on a source other than the Gospel of Mark for his information about the nickname Boanerges. ↩

• ^[136] We also know of several Latin names that entered Hebrew via Greek, in which the Greek forms had -ος endings that were put into Hebrew with וֹס- endings: Ἁδριανός (Hadrianos, “Hadrian”)→אַדְרְיָינוֹס (’adr^eyānōs)/הַדְרְיָינוֹס (hadr^eyānōs); Ῥοῦφος (Roufos, “Rufus”)→רוּפוֹס (rūfōs); Τιβέριος (Tiberios, “Tiberius”)→טִיבִירְיוֹס (ṭiviryōs); Τίτος (Titos, “Titus”)→טִיטוֹס (ṭiṭōs); Τραϊανός (Traianos, “Trajan”)→טְרָיָינוֹס (ṭ^erāyānōs); Οὐεσπασιανός (Ouespasiaons, “Vespasian”)→אִסְפַּסְיָינוֹס (’ispasyānōs). ↩
• ^[137] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 310. On the Nabatean inscription, see Joseph Offord, “A Nabataean Inscription Concerning Philip, Tetrarch of Auranitis,” Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement 51.2 (1919): 82-85. The inscription, which does not mention Iturea or Trachonitis, reads as follows:

  בשנת XXXIII למרנא

  פלפס עבדו ותרו בר

  בדר וקציו בר שדי

  וחנאל בר משכאל ומנע ב[ר]

  גרמו בומס צלם גלשו בר בנתו

  אנעם בר עצבו אמנא שלם

  In the year 33 of our lord

  Philippos; there was made by Witr son of

  Budar (?) and Kasiu son of Sudai

  and Hann’ēl son of Masak’ēl and Nuna (?) son of

  Garm, this altar of the stature of Galis the son of Banat (?)

  ’An‘am son of Asb (was) the sculptor. Peace!

  Text and translation according to Offord. ↩

• ^[138] LXX renders the king of Geshur’s name as Θολμι (2 Kgdms. 3:3) and Θολμαι (2 Kgdms. 13:37; 1 Chr. 3:2). ↩
• ^[139] תלמי המלך (talmai hamelech, “King Ptolemy”), referring to the Ptolemy who commissioned LXX, is mentioned in Gen. Rab. 8:11; 10:9; 38:10; 48:17; 98:5; y. Meg. 1:9 [12b]; b. Meg. 9a; and in the minor tractates Sefer Torah 1:6 [ed. Higger, 23]; Soferim 1:8 [ed. Higger, 82]. ↩
• ^[140] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 304-305. ↩
• ^[141] Cf. Fitzmyer (1:618) who writes, “Bartholomaios is a Grecized form of Aramaic bar Tolmai or Talmai (see 2 Sam 3:3 MT and LXX).” ↩
• ^[142] See Guido Baltes, “The Use of Hebrew and Aramaic in Epigraphic Sources of the New Testament Era” (JS2, 35-65, esp. 47-48). ↩
• ^[143] The name מַתִּתְיָה is attested in post-exilic books of the Hebrew Bible (Ezra 10:43; Neh. 8:4; 1 Chr. 9:31; 16:5). LXX transliterates מַתִּתְיָה both as Μαθαθια (Mathathia; 2 Esd. 10:43) and Ματταθιας (Mattathias; 2 Esd. 18:4; 1 Chr. 9:31; 16:5). The form Ματταθιας also appears in 1 Esdras, and 1 and 2 Maccabees, books that have no counterpart in MT, as well as in 1 Chr. 15:21; 25:3, 21 as the transliteration of מַתִּתְיָהוּ (see following footnote). Josephus knew the spelling Ματταθίας, but he usually used the form Ματθίας, except when referring to the Hasmonean leader. See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 193 n. 6. ↩
• ^[144] The name מַתִּתְיָהוּ is found 4xx in 1 Chronicles (1 Chr. 15:18, 21; 25:3, 21). LXX transliterates מַתִּתְיָהוּ with both Ματταθια (1 Chr. 15:18) and Ματταθιας (1 Chr. 15:21; 25:3, 21). ↩
• ^[145] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 192 nos. 32, 40. ↩
• ^[146] Printed texts of the Mishnah read נִתַּאי הָאַרְבֵּלִי (m. Avot 1:6), but Kaufmann has מַתַּיִי הָאַרְבְּלִי; Parma A has מתיי הארבילי; and Cambridge has מתאי הארבלי. “Nitai” is therefore a textual corruption. ↩
• ^[147] On (τελώνης; telōnēs) as “toll collector,” rather than the traditional rendering “tax collector,” see Call of Levi, Comment to L10. ↩
• ^[148] See Meier, “The Circle of the Twelve,” 638. ↩
• ^[149] Bauckham, Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 111-112. ↩
• ^[150] On speculations---ancient and modern---that Thomas was the twin brother of Jesus, see Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus, 32-36. ↩
• ^[151] Only the plural form תְּאוֹמִים occurs in MT. LXX translates תְּאוֹמִים with δίδυμος in Gen. 25:24; 38:27; Song 4:5; 7:4. The four instances of δίδυμος in Josephus’ works appear in his paraphrase of Genesis and refer to the twins Jacob and Esau (Ant. 1:257, 258, 270, 295). ↩
• ^[152] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 416. ↩
• ^[153] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 382 n. 6. We have pointed the name חלפי as חַלְפִי (ḥalfi), however BDAG (48) points this name as חַלְפִּי (ḥalpi), with a dagesh in the פ. Jastrow (457) cites חִילְפַי (ḥilfai), חִילְפַיי (ḥilfaiy) and חִלְפַי (ḥilfai) as other variants of this name that are found in rabbinic literature. ↩
• ^[154] Ibid., 382 n. 2. ↩
• ^[155] See Lightfoot’s comment on Matt. 10:3, and the repudiation of this identification by Taylor (233); Bauckham, Jude and the Relatives of Jesus, 16-17. ↩
• ^[156] Some manuscripts of Matthew and Mark read Λεββαῖος (Lebbaios) in place of Θαδδαῖος. See Metzger, 26, 80. ↩
• ^[157] See Meier, “The Circle of the Twelve,” 648. ↩
• ^[158] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 283-284. ↩
• ^[159] The sage Eleazar ben Tadai, for example, is mentioned in t. Shab. 17:7[16:10]; t. Eruv. 5:7[9]; t. Git. 5:4; y. Eruv. 6:5 [40b] where his name is spelled אלעזר בן תדאי. In y. Kil. 1:9 [4b]; y. Shab. 3:3 [23a]; y. Sot. 1:1 [2a], his name appears as לעזר בן תדאי. ↩
• ^[160] Rahmani, 114. ↩
• ^[161] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 284 n. 1. ↩
• ^[162] The author of Luke-Acts introduces a person’s nickname with ὁ καλούμενος in Luke 6:15 (Σίμωνα τὸν καλούμενον ζηλωτήν [“Simon, the one called Zealot”]); 8:2 (Μαρία ἡ καλουμένη Μαγδαληνή [“Mary, the one called Magdalene”]); 22:3 (Ἰούδαν τὸν καλούμενον Ἰσκαριώτην [“Judas, the one called Iscariot”]); Acts 1:23 (Ἰωσὴφ τὸν καλούμενον Βαρσαββᾶν [“Joseph, the one called Barsabbas”]); 13:1 (Συμεὼν ὁ καλούμενος Νίγερ [“Symeon, the one called Niger”]); 15:22 (Ἰούδαν τὸν καλούμενον Βαρσαββᾶν [“Judas, the one called Barsabbas”]); 15:37 (τὸν Ἰωάννην τὸν καλούμενον Μᾶρκον [“John, the one called Mark”]). ↩
• ^[163] There is one exception, in Job 42:17, where we find Ιωβαβ ὁ καλούμενος Ιωβ (“Jobab, the one called Job”), but this has no equivalent in MT. ↩
• ^[164] See 1 Macc. 2:3 (Σιμον ὁ καλούμενος Θασσι [“Simon, the one called Thassi”]); 2:4 (Ιουδας ὁ καλούμενος Μακκαβαῖος [“Judas, the one called Maccabee”]); 2:5 (Ελεαζαρ ὁ καλούμενος Αυαραν [“Eleazar, the one called Avran”]); 2:5 (Ιωναθης ὁ καλούμενος Απφους [“Jonathan, the one called Apfous”]); 3:1 (Ιουδας ὁ καλούμενος Μακκαβαῖος [“Judas, the one called Maccabee”]); 2 Macc. 10:12 (Πτολεμαῖος γὰρ ὁ καλούμενος ΜάκρωνJ.W. 2:433 (Ἰούδα τοῦ καλουμένου Γαλιλαίου [“Judas, the one called Galilean”]); Ant. 10:231 (βαλτασάρην τὸν καλούμενον Ναβοάνδηλον [“Baltasar, the one called Naboandelos”]); 12:266 (Ἰωάννης ὁ καλούμενος Γάδδης [“John, the one called Gaddes”]); 12:266 (καὶ Ἰούδας ὁ καλούμενος Μακαβαῖος [“and Judas, the one called Maccabee”]). ↩
• ^[165] See Plummer, Luke, 174; Taylor, 234; Hagner, 1:266; Nolland, Luke, 1:271; Evans, Jesus and the Ossuaries, 78. Other scholars have argued that Καναναῖος refers to Cana of Galilee. See Charles Cutler Torrey, The Four Gospels: A New Translation (New York: Harper, 1933), 307-308; cf. Ephraim E. Urbach, The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs (2 vols.; trans. Israel Abrahams; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1975), 2:958 n. 20. ↩
• ^[166] See Menahem Stern, “Zealots,” Encyclopedia Judaica Yearbook 1973 (Jerusalem: Keter, 1973), 135-152, esp. 145. ↩
• ^[167] In LXX ζηλωτής is found in Exod. 20:5, 34:14; Deut. 4:24; 5:9; 6:15; Nah. 1:2; 2 Macc. 4:2; 4 Macc. 18:12. ↩
• ^[168] Ζηλωτής is the translation of קַנָּא in Exod. 20:5; 34:14; Deut. 4:24; 5:9; 6:15. ↩
• ^[169] This description of Phineas appears in Sifre Num. §131 [ed. Horovitz, 173]; b. Sanh. 82b; Lev. Rab. 33:4. ↩
• ^[170] See Jastrow, 1388. ↩
• ^[171] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 409. קני might be a defective or non-literary spelling of קנאי. ↩
• ^[172] See Kirsopp Lake, "Simon Zelotes," Harvard Theological Review 10.1 (1917): 57-63; Urbach, The Sages, 2:958 n. 20. ↩
• ^[173] It is misleading to characterize Paul’s dramatic change of outlook as a conversion from one religion to another, since Paul insisted on his continuing solidarity with the Jewish faith and the Jewish people. However, conversion may also be understood as moving from one type of expression of Judaism to another, including accepting new halachic positions that contradicted those to which Paul had previously adhered. See Peter J. Tomson, “Paul’s Jewish Background in View of His Law Teaching in 1Cor 7,” in Paul and the Mosaic Law (ed. James D. G. Dunn; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), 251-270. ↩
• ^[174] On the marginalization of the Temple in Stephen’s speech, see Daniel R. Schwartz, “Residents and Exiles, Jerusalemites and Judeans (Acts 7:4; 2:5, 14): On Stephen, Pentecost and the Structure of Acts,” in Studies in the Jewish Background of Christianity (Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1992), 117-127; idem, “Humbly Second-Rate in the Diaspora? Philo and Stephen on the Tabernacle and the Temple,” in Envisioning Judaism: Studies in Honor of Peter Schäfer on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (2 vols.; ed. Ra’anan S. Boustan et al.; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 2013), 1:81-89. ↩
• ^[175] On Paul’s attraction to zeal ideology, see Justin Taylor, “Why Did Paul Persecute the Church?” in Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity (ed. Graham Stanton and Guy Stroumsa; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 99-120. Taylor, however, is not careful to distinguish between zeal ideology and the later Zealot party. ↩
• ^[176] It is also possible that Simon earned the name Zealot for expressions of religious devotion not specifically linked to violent zeal ideology. ↩
• ^[177] See David Flusser, “Character Profiles: Gamaliel and Nicodemus,” under the subheading “Nicodemus.” ↩
• ^[178] It is unclear whether the incident with Dinah was a case of rape. The relations between Shechem and Dinah may have been consensual. In any case, according to Gen. 34:7, 31, it is not the question of Dinah’s willingness that incensed Levi, but the fact of sexual relations between holy Israel and foreign peoples. ↩
• ^[179] Even the biblical story of Phineas betrays a certain degree of tension. Although Phineas’ zeal is commended, the eternal covenant the LORD establishes with Phineas is pointedly called a “covenant of peace” (Num. 25:12), as if to rule out religious violence as a valid form of holy devotion. ↩
• ^[180] On Gamaliel’s speech in Acts 5, see Peter J. Tomson, “Gamaliel’s Counsel and the Apologetic Strategy of Luke-Acts,” in The Unity of Luke-Acts (ed. J. Verheyden; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999), 585-604. See also, David Flusser, “Character Profiles: Gamaliel and Nicodemus.” ↩
• ^[181] The Mishnah twice mentions an individual named נְחוֹנְיָה בֶן הַקָּנָה (neḥōnyāh ven haqānāh; m. Avot 3:5, spelled נְחוֹנְיָיא בֶן הַקָּנָה in m. Ber. 4:2). Is הַקָּנָה a variation of הַקַּנַּאי, the probable nickname of Jesus' disciple? Some scholars have suggested that this may be the case. See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 447; Evans, Jesus and the Ossuaries, 78. Was Rabbi Nehonyah the son of a Zealot? It is impossible to say. Flusser, however, suggested that Rabbi Nehonyah ben ha-Kanah’s statement in m. Avot 3:5 is anti-Zealot in tone. See Flusser, Jesus, 107. ↩
• ^[182] See Meier, “The Circle of the Twelve,” 650-651. ↩
• ^[183] Compare our reconstruction using בֶן (instead of בֶּן) with the following examples: Neh. 11:9 (וִיהוּדָה בֶן־הַסְּנוּאָה); m. Bik. 1:6 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Shab. 9:7 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Eruv. 2:4, 5 (both examples: יְהוּדָה בֶן בָּבָא); m. Hag. 2:2 (יְהוּדָה בֶן טָבַיִי); m. Yev. 16:4, 5, 7 (2xx) (all four examples: יְהוּדָה בֶן בָּבָא); m. Ned. 6:8 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתֵירָה); m. Git. 2:4 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Shevu. 3:6 (יְהודָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Edu. 6:1 (יְהוּדָה בֶן אַבָּא);‎ 8:2 (יְהוּדָה בֶן אָבָּא); m. Avot 1:8 (2xx) (יְהוּדָה בֶן טָּבַיִי; יְהוּדָה בֶן טָבַיִי)‎; 5:20 ‎(יְהוּדָהּ בֶן תֵימָה); m. Arach. 8:6 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Kel. 2:4 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Ohol. 11:7 (2xx) (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתֵירָה; יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָא); m. Neg. 9:3; 11:7 (both examples: יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה); m. Mik. 4:5 (יְהוּדָה בֶן בְּתִירָה). Only two examples from the Mishnah use יְהוּדָה בֶּן (m. Yev. 4:9; m. Ket. 6:1). Neh. 11:9 is the only example from MT of the formula “Yehudah, son of so-and-so....” ↩
• ^[184] See Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 124 n. 279. ↩
• ^[185] See Allen, 101; Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names, 435. Luz (2:68) states, “Matthew was not aware that Ἰσκαριώθ might come from אִישׁ קְרִיּוֹת...[since—DNB and JNT] the article ὁ then would not be necessary.” ↩
• ^[186] The form Ἰσκαριώτης appears in Matt. 10:4; 26:14; Luke 22:3; John 6:71; 12:4; 13:2, 26; 14:22. ↩
• ^[187] According to Applebaum, the Acts of the Apostles and the works of Josephs are the only sources to employ the Greek term σικάριος (sicarios, "assassin"). See Shimon Applebaum, "The Zealots: The Case for Revaluation," Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971): 155-170, esp. 163. The term σικάριος occurs in Acts 21:38; J.W. 2:254, 425; 4:400, 516; 7:253, 254, 262, 275, 297, 311, 410, 412, 415, 437, 444; <iAnt. 20:186, 204, 208, 210. ↩
• ^[188] For other proposals, see Charles C. Torrey, "The Name 'Iscariot,'" Harvard Theological Review 36 (1943): 51-62; Albert Ehrman, "Judas Iscariot and Abba Saqqara," Journal of Biblical Literature 97.4 (1978): 572-573. ↩
• ^[189] See Stern, “Zealots,” 137. According to Applebaum, however, "It seems probable, in view of the word's regular use for murderers and men of violence ever since the promulgation of Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis (83 B.C.), that it [i.e., Sicarii—DNB and JNT] was a term applied by the Roman government and armed forces to the Jewish insurgents as a whole" ("The Zealots," 163). ↩
• ^[190] See Jastrow, 986. In rabbinic sources we also find mention of the Sicarii in Avot de-Rabbi Natan, Version B, chpt. 7 (ed. Schechter, 20); chpt. 13 (ed. Schechter, 31). ↩
• ^[191] See Joan E. Taylor, "The Name 'Iskarioth’ (Iscariot)," Journal of Biblical Literature 129.2 (2010): 367-383, esp. 375. ↩
• ^[192] This quotation is cited according to Edwin A. Abbott, The Fourfold Gospel (5 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913-1917), 3:418. ↩
• ^[193] In this midrash the rabbis involved suggest various meanings of זָרָא (zārā’, “loathsome”) based on similar-sounding words. ↩
• ^[194] In the Bible, Miriam (Num. 12:10), Gehazi (2 Kgs. 5:27) and Uzziah (2 Chr. 26:19) are stricken with scale disease as a divine punishment. Antiochus IV Epiphanes was consumed by worms according to 2 Macc. 9:9, Herod the Great was consumed by worms according to Josephus (J.W. 1:656; Ant. 17:169), and (Herod) Agrippa I was consumed by worms according to Acts 12:23, all by way of divine punishment. On worms as a divine punishment, see Thomas Africa, “Worms and the Death of Kings: A Cautionary Note on Disease and History,” Classical Antiquity 1.1 (1982): 1-17. ↩
• ^[195] Acts 1:18 records that, with his reward, Judas bought a field where “he fell headlong, his body burst open and all his intestines spilled out” (NIV). ↩
• ^[196] Taylor, "The Name 'Iskarioth’ (Iscariot)," 379. ↩
• ^[197] Taylor, "The Name 'Iskarioth’ (Iscariot)," 382. ↩
• ^[198] In the Mishnah alone we note the following examples: שִׁמְעוֹן אִישׁ הַמִּצְפָּה (“Shimon, man of Mitzpah”; m. Peah 2:6); נַתּיִי אִישׁ תְּקוֹעַ (“Nati, man of Tekoa”; m. Hal. 4:10); דּוֹסְתּי אִישׁ כְּפַר יַתְמָה (“Dostai, man of Kefar Yatmah”; m. Orl. 2:5); נְחֶמְיָא אִישׁ בֵּית דְּלִי (“Nehemiah, man of Bet Deli”; cf. m. Yev. 16:7; m. Edu. 8:5); חֲנַנְיהָ אִישׁ אוֹנוֹ (“Hananiah, man of Ono”; m. Git. 6:7); יוֹסֵה בֶן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵידָה וְיוֹסֵה בֶן יוֹחָנָן אִישׁ יְרוּשָ׳ַ (“Yoseh ben Yoezer, man of Tzeredah, and Yoseh ben Yohanan, man of Jerusalem”; m. Sot. 9:9; for Yoseh ben Yoezer, cf. m. Edu. 8:4; m. Avot 1:4); נְחֶמְיָא בֶן אֶלְנָתָן אִישׁ כְּפַר הַבַּבְלִי (“Nehemiah ben Elnatan, man of the Babylonian village”; m. Edu. 6:2); יָקִים אִישׁ חָדִיר (“Yakim, man of Hadir”; m. Edu. 7:5); אַנְטִיגְנַס אִישׁ סוֹכוֹ (“Antigonos, man of Socho”; m. Avot 1:3); יוֹסֵה בֵן יוֹחָנָן אִישׁ יְרוּשָׁ׳ַ (“Yoseh ben Yohanan, man of Jerusalem”; m. Avot 1:4, 5); חֶלְפְּתָה אִישׁ כְּפַר חֲנַנְיָה (“Helpetah, man of Kefar Hananiah”; m. Avot 3:6); אֶלְעָזָר בֶּן יְהוּדָה אִישׁ בִּרְתוֹתָה (“Eleazar ben Yehudah, man of Birtotah”; m. Avot 3:7; cf. m. Tev. Yom 3:4, 5; m. Orl. 1:4); לְוִייטַס אִישׁ יַבְנֶה (“Levitas, man of Yavneh”; m. Avot 4:4); יוֹסֵה בֶן יְהוּדָה אִישׁ כְּפַר הַבַּבְלִי (“Yoseh ben Yehudah, man of the Babylonian village”; m. Avot 4:20); אַבָּא יוֹסֵה חֹלִיקוֹפְרִי אִישׁ טִיבְּעוֹן (“Abba Yoseh Holikofri, man of Tibon”; m. Maksh. 1:3). Dalman (51-52) cites numerous further examples from later rabbinic works. Smith noted that an early follower of Jesus who is mentioned in rabbinic literature bore the name יעקב איש כפר סמא ("Yaakov, man of Kefar Sama"; t. Hul. 2:6[22]; y. Shab. 14:4 [77a]; y. Avod. Zar. 2:2 [11a]). See Morton Smith, Tannaitic Parallels to the Gospels (2d ed.; Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1968), 1-2. ↩
• ^[199] Torrey, "The Name 'Iscariot,'" 52. ↩
• ^[200] Ibid., 53; cf. Dalman, 51-52. ↩
• ^[201] There is an additional problem with the Keriyot mentioned in Josh. 15:25, since LXX takes this name together with the next name in the list and translates קְרִיּוֹת חֶצְרֹון as αἱ πόλεις Ασερων (“the cities of Aseron”), and thus does not regard קְרִיּוֹת as the name of a city, but as a plural noun meaning “cities (of)”. ↩
• ^[202] Cf. Jer. 31:41 in LXX, where הַקְּרִיּוֹת is transliterated as Ακκαριωθ. ↩
• ^[203] See James B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (3d ed.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 320-321. ↩
• ^[204] See Rainey-Notley, 204. ↩
• ^[205] Torrey, “The Name ‘Iscariot,'” 52. ↩
• ^[206] Compare the maps in Rainey-Notley, 203, 393. ↩
• ^[207] On the predominantly Jewish character of the population of Perea, see Harold W. Hoehner, Herod Antipas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972; repr. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1980), 54-55. ↩
• ^[208] See Michael Avi-Yonah and Shimon Gibson, “Machaerus,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica (2d ed.; ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik; Detroit: Macmillan, 2007), 13:323. See also See also Zev Vilnay, Legends of Galilee, Jordan, and Sinai (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1978), 304. The identification of מכוור with Macherus was already made by Lightfoot (1:348). According to a baraita cited in y. Sev. 9:2 [25b], Michvar was located in the mountains of the Transjordan (cf. y. Rosh Hash. 2:2 [12a]). ↩
• ^[209] Moreover, as Torrey notes (See Torrey, “The Name ‘Iscariot,’” 54-55), in some manuscripts of John we find Ἰούδας Σίμωνος ὁ ἀπὸ Καρυώτου (“Judas [son of] Simon, the one from Karuot”; John 6:71; 13:2, 26), Ἰούδας ὁ ἀπὸ Καρυώτου (“Judas, the one from Karuot”; John 12:4) and Ἰούδας οὐχ ὁ ἀπὸ Καρυώτου (“Judas, not the one from Karuot”; John 14:22). On the text variant ὁ ἀπὸ Καρυώτου, see Metzger, 26, 215. Do these variants preserve an early tradition, or are they late attempts of learned scribes to make sense of the name "Iscariot," as Torrey suggests? ↩
• ^[210] Already in the LXX version of Gen. 30:18 we find Ισσαχαρ ὅ ἐστιν Μισθός (“Issachar, that is, ‘hire’”). ↩
• ^[211] See Abbott, Fourfold Gospel, 3:417-418. ↩
• ^[212] The word προδότης is found in 2 Macc. 5:15; 10:13, 22; 3 Macc. 3:24. ↩
• ^[213] See Jastrow, 805. ↩
• ^[214] See y. Peah 1:1 [3a]; y. Sot. 9:15 [46b]. ↩
• ^[215] The apostolic list in Acts, of course, includes only eleven names since Judas Iscariot had already betrayed Jesus and was dead. ↩
• ^[216] See Plummer, Luke, 172. ↩
• ^[217]

  Choosing the Twelve
  Luke’s Version		Anthology’s Wording (Reconstructed)
  ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις ἐξελθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ ὄρος προσεύξασθαι καὶ ἦν διανυκτερεύων ἐν τῇ προσευχῇ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ὅτε ἐγένετο ἡμέρα προσεφώνησεν τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐκλεξάμενος ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν δώδεκα οὓς καὶ ἀποστόλους ὠνόμασεν Σίμωνα ὃν καὶ ὠνόμασεν Πέτρον καὶ Ἀνδρέαν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἰάκωβον καὶ Ἰωάνην καὶ Φίλιππον καὶ Βαρθολομαῖον καὶ Μαθθαῖον καὶ Θωμᾶν Ἰάκωβον Ἁλφαίου καὶ Σίμωνα τὸν καλούμενον ζηλωτὴν καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰακώβου καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰσκαριώθ ὃς ἐγένετο προδότης		καὶ ἐγένετο ἡμέρα καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξελέξατο ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν δώδεκα οὓς ἐποίησεν ἀποστόλους Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἰάκωβος καὶ Ἰωάνης καὶ Φίλιππος καὶ Βαρθολομαῖος καὶ Μαθθαῖος καὶ Θωμᾶς καὶ Ἰάκωβος Ἁλφαίου καὶ Σίμων ὁ ζηλωτὴς καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰακώβου καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰσκαριώθ ὃς ἐγένετο προδότης
  Total Words:	75	Total Words:	51
  Total Words Identical to Anth.:	29	Total Words Taken Over in Luke:	29
  Percentage Identical to Anth.:	38.67%	Percentage of Anth. Represented in Luke:	56.86%

  ↩

• ^[218] On this point, see Plummer, Luke, 172. ↩
• ^[219]

  Choosing the Twelve
  Mark’s Version		Anthology’s Wording (Reconstructed)
  καὶ ἀναβαίνει εἰς τὸ ὄρος καὶ προσκαλεῖτε οὓς ἤθελεν αὐτός καὶ ἀπῆλθον πρὸς αὐτόν καὶ ἐποίησεν δώδεκα οὓς καὶ ἀποστόλους ὠνόμασεν ἵνα ὦσιν μετ᾿ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀποστέλλῃ αὐτοὺς κηρύσσειν καὶ ἔχειν ἐξουσίαν ἐκβάλλειν τὰ δαιμόνια καὶ ἐποίησεν τοὺς δώδεκα καὶ ἐπέθηκεν ὄνομα τῷ Σίμωνι Πέτρον καὶ Ἰάκωβον τὸν τοῦ Ζεβεδαίου καὶ Ἰωάνην τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ Ἰακώβου καὶ ἐπέθηκεν αὐτοῖς ὄνομα Βοανηργές ὅ ἐστιν υἱοὶ βροντῆς καὶ Ἀνδρέαν καὶ Φίλιππον καὶ Βαρθολομαῖον καὶ Μαθθαῖον καὶ Θωμᾶν καὶ Ἰάκωβον τὸν τοῦ Ἁλφαίου καὶ Θαδδαῖον καὶ Σίμωνα τὸν Καναναῖον καὶ Ἰούδαν Ἰσκαριώθ ὃς καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτόν		καὶ ἐγένετο ἡμέρα καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξελέξατο ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν δώδεκα οὓς ἐποίησεν ἀποστόλους Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἰάκωβος καὶ Ἰωάνης καὶ Φίλιππος καὶ Βαρθολομαῖος καὶ Μαθθαῖος καὶ Θωμᾶς καὶ Ἰάκωβος Ἁλφαίου καὶ Σίμων ὁ ζηλωτὴς καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰακώβου καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰσκαριώθ ὃς ἐγένετο προδότης
  Total Words:	93	Total Words:	51
  Total Words Identical to Anth.:	19	Total Words Taken Over in Mark:	19
  Percentage Identical to Anth.:	20.43%	Percentage of Anth. Represented in Mark:	37.25%

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• ^[220] See Meier, “The Circle of the Twelve,” 645. ↩
• ^[221]

  Choosing the Twelve
  Matthew’s Version		Anthology’s Wording (Reconstructed)
  τῶν δὲ δώδεκα ἀποστόλων τὰ ὀνόματά ἐστιν ταῦτα πρῶτος Σίμων ὁ λεγόμενος Πέτρος καὶ Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἰάκωβος ὁ τοῦ Ζεβεδαίου καὶ Ἰωάνης ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Φίλιππος καὶ Βαρθολομαῖος Θωμᾶς καὶ Μαθθαῖος ὁ τελώνης Ἰάκωβος ὁ τοῦ Ἁλφαίου καὶ Θαδδαῖος Σίμων ὁ Καναναῖος καὶ Ἰούδας ὁ Ἰσκαριώτης ὁ καὶ παραδοὺς αὐτόν		καὶ ἐγένετο ἡμέρα καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τοὺς μαθητὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξελέξατο ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν δώδεκα οὓς ἐποίησεν ἀποστόλους Σίμων Πέτρος καὶ Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἰάκωβος καὶ Ἰωάνης καὶ Φίλιππος καὶ Βαρθολομαῖος καὶ Μαθθαῖος καὶ Θωμᾶς καὶ Ἰάκωβος Ἁλφαίου καὶ Σίμων ὁ ζηλωτὴς καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰακώβου καὶ Ἰούδας Ἰσκαριώθ ὃς ἐγένετο προδότης
  Total Words:	53	Total Words:	51
  Total Words Identical to Anth.:	24	Total Words Taken Over in Matt:	24
  Percentage Identical to Anth.:	45.28%	Percentage of Anth. Represented in Matt.:	47.06%

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• ^[222] Matthew names the apostles in pairs in the second and third groupings, perhaps to match the pairs of brothers in the first grouping or maybe because he was influenced by the statement that Jesus sent them out two by two (Mark 6:7; cf. Luke 10:1; Sending the Twelve: Commissioning, L30). See Allen, 99. ↩
• ^[223] On Paul’s equality with the other apostles, see Peter J. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakhah in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRINT III.1; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990), 146. ↩
• ^[224] There has been some debate over James’ status as an apostle. See Schnackenburg, “Apostles Before and During Paul’s Time,” in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays Presented to F.F. Bruce on his Sixtieth Birthday (ed. W. Ward Gasque and Ralph P. Martin; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970), 287-303, esp. 290-291. A comparison of 1 Cor. 15:5, “he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve,” with 1 Cor. 15:7, “he appeared to James, then to all the apostles,” strongly suggests that just as Cephas (i.e., Peter) was among the Twelve, so James was among the apostles. Villegas’ illustration is worth quoting:

  If one does not attribute to James the character of an apostle, the beginning of the phrase is as much incongruous as if we said: ‘I greeted Bob Dylan and later all the Beatles’, while everyone would find the following construction normal: ‘I greeted Ringo and later all the Beatles’.

  See Beltran Villegas, “Peter, Philip and James of Alphaeus,” New Testament Studies 33 (1987): 292-294, quotation on 294. ↩

• ^[225] The appointment of twelve apostles signals an important aspect of Jesus' understanding of the Kingdom of Heaven: through his band of full-time disciples God was bringing about the redemption of Israel, which would include the restoration of the twelve tribes. The reconstitution of the tribes implies the fulfillment of God’s promises to Israel that they would be delivered from all their enemies and vindicated for their faithfulness to the Torah. The restoration of the tribes is probably also linked to the concept of resurrection, since all the tribes apart from Judah, Benjamin and Levi had long since disappeared. If this is the case, then it is another example of Jesus' belief that redemption would come not through political or military means, but through divine intervention in response to the people’s repentance and joyful acceptance of Jesus' interpretation of the Torah. On the link between resurrection and the restoration of Israel, see especially Jacob Jervell, “The Twelve on Israel’s Thrones: Luke’s Understanding of the Apostolate,” in Luke and the People of God: A New Look at Luke-Acts (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1972), 75-112; cf. Fredriksen, From Jesus, 102. ↩
• ^[226] See Jervell, “The Twelve on Israel’s Thrones,” 83-89. ↩
• ^[227] Paul introduces himself as ἀπόστολος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ (“apostle of Messiah Jesus”) in 1 Cor. 1:1; 2 Cor. 1:1; Col. 1:1. Cf. 1 Thess. 2:7, and esp. Gal. 1:1. ↩
• ^[228] Some have argued that being witness to a post-resurrection appearance of Jesus was a defining criterion of apostleship. This supposition is primarily based on the link in Paul’s writings between seeing the resurrected Lord and his apostolic commission, e.g., “Am I not an apostle? Have I not seen Jesus our Lord?” (1 Cor. 9:1; RSV). Nevertheless, seeing the resurrected Lord was not what defined an apostle, for the Twelve were apostles prior to the crucifixion, and many who did see the risen Lord (e.g., the women who went to Jesus' tomb, and the 500+ believers mentioned in 1 Cor. 15:6) were not called apostles, while others who had not seen the risen Lord did receive this title. The reason Paul links seeing the Lord with apostolic appointment is that in his case they were linked: Paul was appointed by Jesus himself and therefore equal in authority to the other apostles whom Jesus appointed, as opposed to those who were apostles of the churches. Paul’s statement that Jesus “appeared to James, then to all the apostles” (1 Cor. 15:7) need not imply that his appearance to them was what qualified them as apostles. Rather, we may understand this statement to mean that Jesus appeared to all those whom he had already appointed as apostles. ↩
• ^[229] Cf., e.g., Buchanan, 1:436-438. ↩
• ^[230] It is possible that zeal ideology tended to stifle criticism of the Temple authorities, which might help account for Paul’s collaboration with the high priest (Acts 9:1-2). Zeal ideology probably led to an idealization not only of the Temple, but also of the office of the high priest, which may have blinded the adherents of zeal ideology to the actual opinions and practices of the office holder. Criticism of the Temple authorities appears to have come mainly from the Hillelite wing of the Pharisaic movement (t. Men. 13:21; b. Pes. 57a; cf. m. Ker. 1:7). The Hillelite wing of the Pharisaic movement was also opposed to zeal ideology, whereas the Shammaite wing of the Pharisaic movement appears to have been more sympathetic to militant nationalist views. On Shammaite sympathy for zeal ideology, see David Flusser, “Character Profiles: Gamaliel and Nicodemus”; Peter J. Tomson, “Gamaliel’s Counsel and the Apologetic Strategy of Luke-Acts,” 588; idem, “‘Jews’ in the Gospel of John as Compared with the Palestinian Talmud, the Synoptics, and Some New Testament Apocrypha,” in Anti-Judaism and the Fourth Gospel (ed. R. Bieringer, D. Pollefeyt, and F. Vandecasteele-Vanneuville; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001), 197. ↩
• ^[231] Pace Hagner, 1:265. ↩
• ^[232] For abbreviations and bibliographical references, see “Introduction to ‘The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction.’” ↩
• ^[233] This translation is a dynamic rendition of our reconstruction of the conjectured Hebrew source that stands behind the Greek of the Synoptic Gospels. It is not a translation of the Greek text of a canonical source. ↩