LOY Excursus: The Kingdom of Heaven in the Life of Yeshua

How to cite this article:
David N. Bivin and Joshua N. Tilton, “LOY Excursus: The Kingdom of Heaven in the Life of Yeshua,” The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction (Jerusalem Perspective, 2014) [https://www.jerusalemperspective.com/13546/].

Updated: 2 October 2022

A key concept in Jesus’ teaching is the Kingdom of Heaven.^[99] The Kingdom of Heaven is the subject of many of Jesus’ parables and is at the heart of his proclamation. The Kingdom of Heaven has, nevertheless, frequently been misunderstood and misconstrued by numerous scholars. The Kingdom of Heaven is neither a place we can visit nor a time for which we must wait.^[100] According to Jesus’ teachings, the Kingdom is not up in heaven, it is taking place here on earth. Likewise, for Jesus the Kingdom is not in the near or distant future, the Kingdom has already begun.^[101]

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• ^[1] Cf. Ephraim E. Urbach, The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs (trans. Israel Abrahams; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1975), 4; Pope and Buth, "Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven," 3. ↩
• ^[2] Young notes, however, that there are phrases that come close to "the Kingdom of Heaven" in pseudepigraphical literature (Young, JHJP, 194). Note, for example, T. Benj. 9:1 (ἡ βασιλεία κυρίου; "the Kingdom of the Lord"); Sib. Or. 3:47-48 (βασιλεία μεγίστη ἀθανάτου βασιλῆος; "great Kingdom of the immortal king"); Pss. Sol. 17:4 (ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν; "the Kingdom of our God"). Nevertheless, Young stresses that "The expression itself, 'the kingdom of heaven,' in early Jewish apocalyptic literature is unknown and variations of the term are quite rare even if the concept does surface from the background in a number of texts" (Young, JHJP, 196). ↩
• ^[3] See Pope and Buth, "Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven," 6. ↩
• ^[4] This point was emphasized by Safrai. See Shmuel Safrai, "Sidebar," in Robert L. Lindsey, "The Kingdom Of God: God’s Power Among Believers." ↩
• ^[5] See Kaufmann Kohler, "Kingdom of God," JE 7:502; Pope and Buth, "Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven," 2. The use of "Heaven" as a substitute for "God," "Lord" or the Tetragrammaton is attested already in 1 Maccabees. See Daniel R. Schwartz, Judeans and Jews: Four Faces of Dichotomy in Ancient Jewish History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 122 n. 26, 123 n. 32. ↩
• ^[6] The noun מַלְכוּת occurs 91xx in MT, 58xx in DSS and 20xx in the Mishnah. The most common translation of מַלְכוּת in LXX is βασιλεία (81xx). In several cases where βασιλεία is the translation of מַלְכוּת, the meaning of both terms is clearly "reign" as opposed to "kingdom." Examples include:

  וּבְמַלְכוּת אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ בִּתְחִלַּת מַלְכוּתוֹ כָּתְבוּ שִׂטְנָה עַל־יֹשְׁבֵי יְהוּדָה וִירוּשָׁלִָם (Ezra 4:6)

  καὶ ἐν βασιλείᾳ Ασουηρου ἐν ἀρχῇ βασιλείας αὐτοῦ ἔγραψαν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπὶ οἰκοῦντας Ιουδα καὶ Ιερουσαλημ (2 Esdr. 4:6)

  And in the reign of Ahasuerus, at the beginning of his reign, they wrote an accusation against the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem. (Ezra 4:6)

  וְאַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה בְּמַלְכוּת אַרְתַּחְשַׁ֣סְתְּא מֶלֶךְ־פָּרָס עֶזְרָא בֶּן־שְׂרָיָה בֶּן־עֲזַרְיָה בֶּן־חִלְקִיָּה (Ezra 7:1)

  καὶ μετὰ τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα ἐν βασιλείᾳ Αρθασασθα βασιλέως Περσῶν ἀνέβη Εσδρας υἱὸς Σαραιου υἱοῦ Αζαριου υἱοῦ Ελκια.... (2 Esdr. 7:1)

  And after these things, in the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, Ezra son of Seria, son of Azariah, son of Hilkiah.... (Ezra 7:1)

   וַתִּלָּקַח אֶסְתֵּר אֶל־הַמֶּלֶךְ אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ אֶל־בֵּית מַלְכוּתוֹ בַּחֹדֶשׁ הָעֲשִׂירִי הוּא־חֹדֶשׁ טֵבֵת בִּשְׁנַת־שֶׁבַע לְמַלְכוּתוֹ

  καὶ εἰσῆλθεν Εσθηρ πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν βασιλέα τῷ δωδεκάτῳ μηνί ὅς ἐστιν Αδαρ τῷ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ

  And Esther took herself to king Ahasuerus, to the royal house, in the tenth month, the month of Tevet, in the seventh year of his reign. (Esther 2:16)

  וּבִשְׁנַת שְׁתַּיִם לְמַלְכוּת נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּר חָלַם נְבֻכַדְנֶצַּר חֲלֹמוֹת

  καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔτει τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς βασιλείας Ναβουχοδονοσορ συνέβη εἰς ὁράματα....

  And in the second year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign, Nebuchadnezzar dreamed dreams.... (Dan. 2:1)

  There are further examples in the MT and LXX where βασιλεία/מַלְכוּת could mean either "reign" or "kingdom." There are also examples in DSS where מלכות likely means "reign" rather than "kingdom," for instance:

  פשרו על מנשה לקץ האחרון אשר תשפל מלכותו ביש[ראל]‏

  Its interpretation concerns Manasseh in the final end when his reign will weaken in Is[rael.] (4QpNah [4Q169] 3-4 IV, 3)

  ↩

• ^[7] See Young, JHJP, 196; cf. Günther Bornkamm, Jesus of Nazareth (trans. Irene and Fraser McLuskey; London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1960), 200 n.1. ↩
• ^[8] Hans-Jürgen Becker, "Matthew, the Rabbis and Billerbeck on the Kingdom of Heaven," in The Sermon on the Mount and its Jewish Setting (Cahiers de la Revue Biblique 60; ed. Hans-Jürgen Becker and Serge Ruzer; Paris: J. Gabalda, 2005), 57-69, esp. 62. ↩
• ^[9] Shmuel Safrai, "Oral Tora," in The Literature of the Sages: First Part: Oral Tora, Halakha, Mishna, Tosefta, Talmud, External Tractates (CRINT II.3; ed. Shmuel Safrai; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 1:93. ↩
• ^[10] Cf. Pope and Buth, "Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven," 4; and Becker, "Matthew, the Rabbis and Billerbeck," 63. ↩
• ^[11] The phrase "yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven," which appears in printed editions of the Mishnah, is a secondary reading, as its absence from the Kaufmann, Cambridge and Parma codices of the Mishnah and the parallel version of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korhah's saying in the Jerusalem Talmud (y. Ber. 2:3 [4b]) proves. The addition of the word "yoke" appears to be an assimilation to the phrase "yoke of the commandments" which is juxtaposed to "the Kingdom of Heaven." One can easily see what happened. The word עוֹל ("yoke") was added to יְקַבֵּל עָלָיו מַלְכוּת שׁמַיִם ("will receive upon himself the Kingdom of Heaven") because it stands parallel to יְקַבֵּל עָלָיו עוֹל מִצְווֹת ("will receive upon himself the yoke of the mitzvot [commandments]”), a phrase which is identical in form, except for the addition of the word "yoke." Afterwards, the expression "yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven" was proliferated in rabbinic literature (e.g., m. Ber. 2:5). See Young, JHJP, 227 n. 30a; and David N. Bivin, "Jesus' Yoke and Burden," n. 34. An additional example of the proliferation of "yoke" with "Kingdom of Heaven" in inferior mss. of tannaic literature is found in Sifre, Ha'azinu, Piska 23, on Deut. 32:29 (cited below). Cf. Finkelstein's critical edition: Sifre on Deuteronomy (ed. Louis Finkelstein; New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1969), 372. ↩
• ^[12] On the phrase "yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven," which occurs in some printed editions of this mishnah, but which is absent in the Kaufmann manuscript, see the preceding footnote. ↩
• ^[13] The connection between the Kingdom of Heaven and Exod. 15:18 is explicit in the second paragraph of the Aleinu prayer (of uncertain date). The connection between the events at the Red Sea and the Kingdom of Heaven is implicit in the tradition regarding the right of Judah to rule over the other tribes of Israel (Mechilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, BeShallah chpt. 6, on Exod. 14:22), and in a saying of Rabbi Eliezer (Mechilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, Shirata chpt. 3, on Exod. 15:2 [ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 126, lines 19-20]; see Blessedness of the Twelve, Comment to L16-18). ↩
• ^[14] In other words, Rabbi Yehudah ha-Nasi means that Israel happily accepted God's reign over the people as a collective. ↩
• ^[15] Translation based on Notley-Safrai, 112. ↩
• ^[16] Translation based on Notley-Safrai, 108. ↩
• ^[17] According to Schechter, Rabbi Eliezer's statement was "calculated to give the kingdom of heaven a national aspect, when we remember that Amalek is only another name for his ancestor Esau...who is but a prototype for Rome" (Solomon Schechter, Aspects of Rabbinic Theology: Major Concepts of the Talmud [New York: Schocken, 1961], 99). ↩
• ^[18] In Tilton's view, the Kingdom of Heaven metaphor is inherently political. The designation of God as a king, and the description of God's activity as reigning, derive from the political lexicon. See Richard Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (San Fancisco: Harper & Row, 1987), 170. ↩
• ^[19] The view presented in this section reflects Tilton's opinion. Bivin believes that the mainstream Pharisaic concept of the Kingdom of Heaven was not directed against the Roman regime. ↩
• ^[20] See David Flusser, Jewish Sources in Early Christianity (trans. John Glucker; Tel Aviv: MOD Books, 1989), 50-51; idem, Jesus, 105-108. Cf. Shimon Applebaum, “The Zealots: The Case for Revaluation,” Journal of Roman Studies 61 (1971): 155-170, esp. 161. ↩
• ^[21] On the origins of the Zealot and Sicarii movements, two prominent militant Jewish nationalist groups in the first cent. C.E., and their distinctions, see Menahem Stern, "Zealots," in Encyclopaedia Judaica Year Book 1973 (Jerusalem: Keter, 1973), 135-152. See also, Uriel Rappaport, "Who Were the Sicarii?" in Jewish Revolt Against Rome: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (ed. Mladen Popovic; Leiden: Brill, 2011), 323-342. On the emergence of militant Jewish nationalism from the School of Shammai, see David Flusser, "Character Profiles: Gamaliel and Nicodemus," under the subheading "Nicodemus"; Peter J. Tomson, "Zavim 5:12—Reflections on Dating Mishnaic Halakhah," in History and Form: Dutch Studies in the Mishnah (ed. A. Kuyt and N. A. van Uchelen; Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 1988), 53-69; idem, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakha in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRINT III.1; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990), 173-177; idem, "Gamaliel’s Counsel and the Apologetic Strategy of Luke-Acts,” in The Unity of Luke-Acts (ed. J. Verheyden; Leuven: Peeters, 1999), 585-604, esp. 588. ↩
• ^[22] During the first century C.E., the Pharisees were divided into two main branches, the School of Hillel and the School of Shammai. On these two Pharisaic schools, see Shmuel Safrai, "Halakha," in The Literature of the Sages: First Part: Oral Tora, Halakha, Mishna, Tosefta, Talmud, External Tractates (CRINT II.3; ed. Shmuel Safrai; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 1:185-194; idem, "Bet Hillel and Bet Shammai," in Encyclopaedia Judaica (ed. F. Skolnik and M. Birnbaum; 22 vols; 2d ed.; Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA; Jerusalem: Keter Publishing Ltd., 2007), 3:530-533. ↩
• ^[23] See David Flusser, "Character Profiles: Gamaliel and Nicodemus." ↩
• ^[24] Rabbi Hananiah, who lived before the destruction of the Temple, belonged to circles that opposed revolt against the Roman Empire, as sayings such as "Pray for the peace of the ruling power, since but for fear of it, men would have swallowed up each other alive" (m. Avot 3:2) make clear. ↩
• ^[25] Another saying that seems to refer to the tumultuous period leading up to the Jewish revolt against Rome is found in the mouth of Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai who survived the destruction of Jerusalem:

  רבן יוחנן בן זכיי אומ′ משרבו הרצחנין בטלה ערופה לפי שאין עגלה ערופה באה אלא על הספק עכשיו רבו ההורגין בגלוי משרבו המנאפין פסקו מי מרים לפי שאין מי מרים באין אלא על הספק עכשיו כבר רבו הרואין בגלוי משרבו בעלי הנאה בא חרון אף לעולם ובטל כבוד תורה משרבו לוחשי לחישות בבית דין נתעוותו המעשים ונתקלקלו הדינין ופסקה השכינה מישראל משרבו רואין לפנים בטל לא תכירו פנים במשפט ופסק לא תגורו מפני איש ופרקו מהן עול שמים והמליכו עליהם עול בשר ודם

  Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai says, “From the time murderers increased, the calf’s neck rite was annulled, because the calf’s neck rite is not applicable except in cases of doubt, but now murderers increased in the open. From the time adulterers increased, they stopped the ordeal of the bitter waters, because the ordeal of the bitter waters is not applicable except in cases of doubt, but now those who see [their lovers] in the open are many. From the time the lovers of pleasure increased, wrath came to the world and the glory of the Torah was annulled. From the time whisperers increased in the Sanhedrin, deeds were perverted, the judges were cursed, and the Shekhinah ceased from Israel. From the time respecters of persons increased, You must not show partiality in judgment [Deut. 1:17] was annulled and You must not respect persons [Deut. 1:17] ceased and they cast off the yoke of Heaven and caused a yoke of flesh and blood to reign over them.” (t. Sot. 14:1-4)

  In this saying Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai criticizes those who set up a yoke of flesh and blood and who cast off the yoke of Heaven. The terminology is similar to that of Hananiah the prefect of the priests. Does "murderers" who kill "in the open" refer to terrorist groups like the Sicarii? Does "whisperers...in the Sanhedrin" refer to the chief priests, and in particular those of the House of Hanan (cf. t. Men. 13:21; b. Pes. 57a)? If so, then Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai criticized both the militant Jewish nationalists on one extreme and the high priests who colluded with the Romans on the other. If so, Jesus was not unique in his rejection of violent insurgence and condemnation of the corrupt priesthood.

  ↩

• ^[26] Cf. Flusser, Jesus, 107. ↩
• ^[27] According to Flusser, “the term ge’ullah is applied almost exclusively to national redemption, and became a synonym for national freedom. This idea of national freedom from the subjection to other states is the main element in the yearnings of the people for the redemption of Israel, and it became even more pronounced during the period of Roman domination” (David Flusser, “Redemption: In the Talmud,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica [ed. F. Skolnik and M. Birnbaum; 22 vols; 2d ed.; Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA; Jerusalem: Keter Publishing Ltd., 2007], 17:152). For redemption in the sense of the political liberation of Israel in Second Temple Jewish literature, see also the “Additional Note" to David Flusser's “The Times of the Gentiles and the Redemption of Jerusalem.” On the sages' view that the rule of foreign empires over the Holy Land was illegitimate, see Louis Ginzberg, On Jewish Law and Lore (New York: Atheneum, 1970), 86-88. ↩
• ^[28] According to Young (JHJP, 198), Rabbi Nehunyah's statement refers to "the yoke of political oppression," and that "the yoke of God's sovereignty can be contrasted to the yoke of an earthly regime." ↩
• ^[29] On Rabbi Yose ha-Gelili, see Shmuel Safrai, "The Jewish Cultural Nature of Galilee in the First Century," under the subheading "Rabbi Jose ha-Galili." ↩
• ^[30] Flusser (Jewish Sources in Early Christianity, 51) put it this way: “...the Kingdom of Heaven could come about at any time, once the people repented and took upon themselves the yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven—and once that happened, no nation or tongue would hold sway over them. ...No rebellion against Rome would help, but the kingdom of Rome would vanish once the people had taken upon themselves the yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven.” ↩
• ^[31] A later rabbinic source (fifth or sixth cent. C.E.) explicitly contrasts the Kingdom of Heaven with the Roman Empire:

  הגיע זמנה של מלכות הרשעה שתעקר מן העולם, הגיע זמנה של מלכות השמים שתגלה, והיה י″י למלך על כל הארץ וג′. וקול התור נשמע בארצינו, א″ר יוחנן קול תייר טב נשמע בארצינו, זה מלך המשיח

  The time has arrived when the wicked kingdom will be uprooted from the world, the time has come when the Kingdom of Heaven will be revealed, and the LORD will be king over all the earth [Zech. 14:9]. And the voice of the turtle dove will be heard in our land [Song 2:12]: Rabbi Yohanan said, “the voice of the good guide will be heard in our land, this is the anointed king [i.e., the Messiah—DNB and JNT].” (Pesikta de-Rav Kahana 5:9 [ed. Mandelbaum, 1:97)

  The "wicked kingdom" is a common designation for the Roman Empire in talmudic literature. According to this source, Israel's longed-for redemption will come about through the downfall of Rome, and the Kingdom of Heaven will be ushered in by the Messiah. ↩

• ^[32] That slavery of any kind was considered to be antithetical to God's reign is expressed in a midrash on Exod. 21:6 which stipulates that any slave who prefers to continue serving his master rather than go free at the end of seven years must have his ear pierced with an awl:

  תני רבי אליעזר בן יעקב אומר ולמה אל הדלת שעל ידי דלת יצאו מעבדות לחירות שאלו התלמידים את רבן יוחנן בן זכאי מה ראה העבד הזה לירצע באזנו יותר מכל איבריו אמר להן אוזן ששמעה מהר סיני (שמות כ) לא יהיה לך אלהים אחרים על פני ופירקה מעליה עול מלכות שמים וקיבלה עליה עול בשר ודם אוזן ששמעה לפני הר סיני (ויקרא כה) כי לי בני ישראל עבדים והלך זה וקנה אדון אחר לפיכך תבוא האוזן ותירצע לפי שלא שמר מה ששמעה אזנו

  It is taught [in a baraita]: Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya'akov says, "And why unto the door [Exod. 21:6]? Because by the door they go out from slavery to freedom." The disciples asked Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai, "Why does [Scripture] see fit that this slave [who is discussed in Exod. 21—DNB and JNT] should be pierced in his ear rather than any of his other limbs?" He said to them, "The ear that heard from Mount Sinai, There shall be no other gods before me [Exod. 20:3] and cast off from itself the yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven and received upon itself the yoke of flesh and blood is the ear that heard from Mount Sinai For the children of Israel are my slaves [Lev. 25:55] yet this [slave] went and acquired another master. For this reason the ear will come and be pierced, since he did not keep what his ear heard." (y. Kid. 1:2 [11b]; cf. t. Bab. Kam. 7:5; b. Kid. 22b. In the parallel version we find the phrase "yoke of Heaven" rather than "yoke of the Kingdom of Heaven," which may be a scribal error.)

  Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai regarded choosing servitude over freedom to be an affront to God's reign. It seems inconceivable that if he regarded servitude of an individual to be antithetical to the Kingdom of Heaven that he could regard the subjection of the entire people of Israel to a foreign power with indifference. Although Yohanan ben Zakkai advocated peace, one should not assume that he abandoned hope for Israel's redemption from political oppression. ↩

• ^[33] Warren Zev Harvey, "Kingdom of God מלכות שמים," in Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought (ed. Arthur A. Cohen and Paul Mendes-Flohr; New York: Scribner's, 1987), 521-525, quotation on 523. ↩
• ^[34] See Moshe David Herr, "Persecutions and Martyrdom in Hadrian's Days," Scripta Hierosolymitana 23 (1972): 85-125, esp. 111-112 n. 88. ↩
• ^[35] It should be noted that although the rabbinic concept of the Kingdom of Heaven has a political aspect, it does not have, so to speak, a political agenda. As we have seen, the notion of the Kingdom of Heaven was articulated in opposition to political insurgents. The Kingdom of Heaven would not be a kingdom of flesh and blood. The Kingdom of Heaven is conceived of as a divine activity. Acts of mercy and observance of the commandments would be the catalyst for redemption, not direct political action. ↩
• ^[36] Becker, "Matthew, the Rabbis and Billerbeck," 65. ↩
• ^[37] See R. Steven Notley, "By the Finger of God." ↩
• ^[38] This section of "LOY Excursus: The Kingdom of Heaven in the Life of Yeshua" represents Tilton's view. Bivin views the Roman government as more benevolent than Tilton does, and Bivin sees the Sadducean high priestly families as the main culprits in the arrest and accusation of Jesus before the Roman prefect Pontius Pilate. ↩
• ^[39] Tilton believes that in Jesus' teaching the Kingdom of Heaven is (among other things) a political metaphor that carries with it an implied critique of all human governments. See Kohler, who defined "Kingdom of God" as "Reign or sovereignty of God as contrasted with the kingdom of the worldly powers" (Kohler, "Kingdom of God," JE 7:502). Jesus contrasts the reign of flawed human beings, who are often unjust, cruel, greedy and self-aggrandizing (cf. Luke 22:25), with God's better reign. God is generous, merciful, fair and open-hearted (Luke 6:38). He seeks the welfare of all human beings: the evil as well as the good, the deserving and the undeserving alike (Matt. 5:45). Tilton regards Jesus' implied critique of human governments as an expression of Israel's prophetic tradition. On the prophetic critique of human governments, see Moshe Weinfeld, "The Protest against Imperialism in Ancient Israelite Prophecy," in The Origins and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations (ed. S. N. Eisenstadt; Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1986), 169-182; Binyamin Uffenheimer, "Ancient Hebrew Prophecy—Political Teaching and Practice," Immanuel 18 (1984): 7-21. ↩
• ^[40] In this respect, Jesus followed in the tradition of the prophet Jeremiah who urged the politcal leaders of his day to submit to Nebuchadnezzar's yoke (Jer. 27:11). Jeremiah did not forsake the hope for the restoration of the Davidic throne and the liberation of Israel (cf. Jer. 23:5-6; 30:8-9; 33:15-16), but he realized that armed revolt would only lead to disaster. See Uffenheimer, "Ancient Hebrew Prophecy—Political Teaching and Practice," 19-29. In a similar way, Jesus opposed the ideology of the militant Jewish nationalists, and called the people to repentance, for only in this way would Israel be spared the destruction of the Temple (Luke 13:34-35; 19:42-44). See Flusser, Jesus, 200; R. Steven Notley, “‘Give unto Caesar’: Jesus, the Zealots and the Imago Dei.” ↩
• ^[41] Jesus' command to walk the extra mile was likely given in reference to the Roman practice of pressing subjects into forced service. The word for "mile" in the Greek text of Matt. 5:41, μίλιον, is a loanword from the Latin mille. It is possible that μίλιον translates the Hebrew מִיל, also from Latin (via Greek). מִיל occurs 9xx in the Mishnah: m. Yom. 6:4; m. Yom. 6:8 (4xx); m. Bab. Metz. 6:3 (2xx); m. Bech. 9:2 (2xx). ↩
• ^[42] See R. Steven Notley, "Jesus' Jewish Hermeneutical Method in the Nazareth Synagogue," in Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality (2 vols.; ed. Craig A. Evans and H. Daniel Zacharias; London: T&T Clark, 2009), 2:46-59, esp. 56. ↩
• ^[43] On the hope for political liberation that Jesus expressed in this prophecy, see David Flusser, "The Times of the Gentiles and the Redemption of Jerusalem," under the subheading "Solidarity with Israel." Cf. Flusser, Jesus, 106. ↩
• ^[44] According to Flusser, Jesus' prophecy of the destruction and liberation of Jerusalem expresses his opposition to revolt against Rome: "He did not share the belief or the hope that Jerusalem would survive the war" (David Flusser, "The Times of the Gentiles and the Redemption of Jerusalem," under the subheading "Solidarity with Israel"). ↩
• ^[45] In Tilton's opinion, there is an implied critique of the Roman Empire in Jesus' teaching about the Kingdom of Heaven, which Jesus contrasted with human governments. On the political critique implied by proclaiming God's reign, see Fredriksen, From Jesus, 124-125.

  Tilton also detects a critique of the Roman Empire in Jesus' teaching on non-retaliation (Matt. 5:38-41). See Joshua N. Tilton, Jesus' Gospel: Searching for the Core of Jesus' Message, 61. ↩

• ^[46] On this passage, cf. Flusser, Jesus, 76-77. ↩
• ^[47] Cf. Flusser, Jesus, 104-105. ↩
• ^[48] See Randall Buth, "Your Money or Your Life." ↩
• ^[49] It must be recognized that Jesus could not have opposed payment of tribute without supporting revolt, for they amounted to the same thing. Refusing to pay tribute is tantamount to a declaration of independence. Such a political act would unavoidably provoke war with Rome, the very thing Jesus hoped to avoid. A similar political action, refusal to offer sacrifices in the Temple on Caesar's behalf, did spark the revolt that resulted in the destruction of the Temple in 70 C.E. (cf. Jos., J.W. 2:409). On taxation as the primary concern of the Roman government in the provinces, see Graham Burton, "Government and the Provinces," in The Roman World (2d ed.; 2 vols.; ed. John Wacher; New York: Routledge, 2002), 1:423-439, esp. 423 where Burton writes, "The Roman government did not pursue many of the goals which, today, are conventionally associated with the exercise of political power by the state, e.g. the control or modification of economic developments, social welfare, education. Its concerns were more limited, above all the regular exaction of taxes and maintenance of internal order." See also Martin Goodman, The Roman World 44 BC—AD 180 (New York: Routledge, 1997), 100-101. ↩
• ^[50] See Peter J. Tomson, "Jesus and his Judaism," in The Cambridge Companion to Jesus (ed. Markus Bockmuehl; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 25-40, esp. 31. ↩
• ^[51] The persecutions in the days of Antiochus IV (second cent. B.C.E.), for example, were primarily motivated by political interests. According to 1 Macc. 1:41, Antiochus sought to unite his empire by abolishing the ancestral customs of the various peoples he ruled. By creating a single national identity, Antiochus sought to solidify his political hegemony. Jewish commitment to Torah in the face of persecution was motivated by religious piety, but their loyalty to the God of their fathers entered the political arena because it interfered with Antiochus' political program.

  The memory of the Antiochene persecutions was still vivid in the time of Jesus, in part because Jews in the land of Israel continued to feel that their religious liberty was threatened by the Roman occupation. During Jesus' time Roman interference in Jewish religious life included the appointment of high priests by the Roman governor (cf. Jos., Ant. 18:26, 34-35), Roman control of the high priestly vestments (Ant. 18:93-94), and constant surveillance of the Temple from the Antonia Fortress. In addition, Roman officials sometimes interfered in the collection (Cicero, Pro Flacco 26:67; Jos., J.W. 14:112; 16:28, 166; cf. Safrai-Stern, 2:678) and use of the half-shekel (J.W. 2:175; Ant. 18:60). We also hear reports of Jewish pilgrims who were massacred in Jerusalem during the feasts (Luke 13:1). Zechariah's song in Luke is one expression of the Jewish perception of the danger inherent in the practicing of Judaism under foreign rule: Zechariah anticipates the coming of salvation that would bring with it the freedom to serve God (i.e., worship) without fear (Luke 1:74). All of these instances show that at least an important segment of the Jewish population in the land of Israel regarded the Roman Empire as a threatening presence. From their perspective, adherence to their ancestral faith might cost them their lives. It is reasonable, therefore, that Jesus, who proclaimed a message of liberation, anticipated the potential for his martyrdom and the martyrdom of his disciples at the hands of the Roman authorities. ↩

• ^[52] On the limits of the Roman empire's policy of religious tolerance, see Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence, 45. ↩
• ^[53] Caesar Augustus, for instance, ordered the burning of books composed in Greek and Latin that contained prophecies of the downfall of the Roman Empire (Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars 2:31). Likewise, Justin Martyr mentions that a sentence of death had been decreed against persons who read certain oracular books (1 Apol. 44:12). The prophecies did not pose a military threat to the Roman Empire, rather the books were burned and the people who read them were killed because they inspired hope among the conquered peoples of the Roman Empire. See David Flusser, "Hystaspes and John of Patmos," (Flusser, JOC, 393); idem, "The Roman Empire in Hasmonean and Essene Eyes" (Flusser, JSTP1, 199). ↩
• ^[54] According to Goodman, the "[Roman] emperors employed a huge military force whose main but unstated purpose was the suppression of dissent." See the chapter "Military Autocracy," in Martin Goodman, The Roman World, 81-86, quotation on 81; idem, "Opponents of Rome: Jews and Others," in Images of Empire (ed. Loveday Alexander; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1991), 222-238. ↩
• ^[55] As N. T. Wright observed, crucifixion was an action of the state that sent a strong political message, viz., Caesar is in control (N. T. Wright, "Paul and Caesar: A New Reading of Romans," in A Royal Priesthood? The Use of the Bible Ethically and Politically: A Dialogue with Oliver O'Donovan [ed. Craig Bartholomew, Jonathan Chaplin, Robert Song, Al Wolters; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002], 173-193, esp. 182). Since Roman citizens were exempt from crucifixion, the message was even more pointed. Crucifixion reminded the Jewish people of their political status as a subjugated population who did not have legal standing or civil rights within the empire. Crucifixion was the seruile supplicium ("slave's punishment"), and its use for the punishment of Jews reflects the opinion of the Roman elite that the Jews are "a people born to be enslaved" (Cicero, Prov. cons. 5:10; cf. Pro Flacco 28:69; Jos., J.W. 6:42; Apion 2:125). Cf. Jean-Jacques Aubert, "A Double Standard in Roman Criminal Law?" in Speculum Iuris: Roman Law as a Reflection of Social and Economic Life in Antiquity (ed. Jean-Jacques Aubert and Adriaan Johan Boudewijn Sirks; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 121. According to Aubert, "Among all penalties in use in Roman times, crucifixion conveys the clearest message regarding the symbolism attached to capital punishment and its victims' status" (111); "Its primary purpose is to emphasize the victim's final irrevocable rejection from the civic and international community and the total denial of any form of legal protection based on the rights guaranteed by ius civile [i.e., citizen law—DNB and JNT] and ius gentium [i.e., international law—DNB and JNT] and attached to any legal status above slavery" (116). ↩
• ^[56] Bivin and Tilton disagree with respect to the meaning of Jesus' cross-carrying saying (Luke 14:27). Bivin believes that Jesus used crucifixion as a metaphor for the hardships of first-century discipleship. Tilton believes Jesus' cross-bearing saying is a warning to would-be disciples that joining his movement required accepting the risk of martyrdom for the sake of the Kingdom of Heaven. ↩
• ^[57] In the land of Israel during Jesus' lifetime the threat of crucifixion came from Roman authorities. Although there are reports of Jewish authorities who practiced crucifixion (e.g., Jos., J.W. 1:97; 4Q169 [4QpNah] 3-4 I, 6-8; Gen. Rab. 65:22; y. Sanh. 6:6 [23c]; y. Hag. 2:2 [78a]), and although the Essenes evidently sanctioned crucifixion for certain crimes (11Q19 [11QTemple^a] LXIV, 6-13), in the time of Jesus capital punishment had become the sole prerogative of the Roman government (cf. John 18:31; Jos., J.W. 2:117-118; y. Sanh. 18a; 24b). See Brad H. Young, "An Examination of the Cross, Jesus and the Jewish People" (JS1, 196-199); Aubert, "A Double Standard in Roman Criminal Law?" 123. On crucifixion in DSS, see Joseph A. Fitzmyer, "Crucifixion in Ancient Palestine, Qumran Literature, and the New Testament," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 40.4 (1978): 493-513. On crucifixion in Pharisaic-rabbinic halachah, see David J. Halperin, "Crucifixion, the Nahum Pesher, and the Rabbinic Penalty of Strangulation," Journal of Jewish Studies 32.1 (1981): 32-46. ↩
• ^[58] The phrase קִבֵּל מַלְכוּת שָׁמַיִם (qibēl malchūt shāmayim, “receive the Kingdom of Heaven”) is found, for example, in m. Ber. 2:2; Sifre. Deut. § 323, on Deut. 32:29 (ed. Finkelstein, 372); b. Ber. 10b, 13a, 14b, 61b. ↩
• ^[59] See Rich Man Declines the Kingdom of Heaven, Comment to L64. ↩
• ^[60] According to Shmuel Safrai and David Flusser, this usage is unique to Jesus (oral communication to DNB). See Robert L. Lindsey, "The Kingdom Of God: God’s Power Among Believers," under the subheading "Jesus' Movement." ↩
• ^[61] See David N. Bivin, "Matthew 5:19: The Importance of 'Light' Commandments”; Sandt-Flusser, 220-225. ↩
• ^[62] Buth discussed this idea at the 2015 Lindsey Legacy Conference in the “Shabbat Morning Bible Study: Panel Discussion with David Bivin, Randall Buth, Brad Young, Steven Notley and Halvor Ronning on the Kingdom of Heaven,” at about the one hour mark. Frankovic also touched on this idea in Joseph Frankovic, "Beyond an Inheritance," footnote 28. ↩
• ^[63] The statement עם מבוא יום ולילה אבואה בברית אל (“With the coming of the day and night I will enter the covenant of God”; 1QS X, 10) evidently refers to the recitation of the Shema. See Moshe Weinfeld, “Prayer and Liturgical Practice in the Qumran Sect,” in his Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period (London: T&T Clark, 2005), 53-167, esp. 54-55. ↩
• ^[64] In DSS we encounter the phrase בא בברית with the meaning “join the Essene community” in CD XV, 5; XIX, 33; 1QS II, 12; V, 8, 20. Similarly, the phrase באי [ה]ברית (“those who enter the covenant”) refers to members of the sect in CD II, 2; VI, 19; VIII, 1, 21; XIII, 14; XX, 25; 1QS II, 18; 1QH^a XIII, 23. We should stress that the Essenes did not invent the terminology of entering a covenant, which is borrowed from Scripture (cf. 1 Sam. 20:8; Jer. 34:10; Ezek. 16:8; 2 Chr. 15:12) and is also found in the writings of Ben Sira (cf. Sir. 44:20). Nevertheless the Essenes do appear to have been unique in using this terminology to refer to the recitation of the Shema, and to the joining of their sect. ↩
• ^[65] If the fusion of the Pharisaic-rabbinic and Essene expressions was based on their common meaning of “recite the Shema,” however, it is curious that no where in the Gospels does the term Kingdom of Heaven have this connotation. ↩
• ^[66] On the reconstruction of the phrase “enter the Kingdom of Heaven” in Hebrew, see Rich Man Declines the Kingdom of Heaven, Comments to L63, L64-65. ↩
• ^[67] See Mysteries of the Kingdom of Heaven, Comment to L7. ↩
• ^[68] The phrase “poor of spirit” (עניי רוח) is a term the Essenes applied to themselves (1QM XIV, 7; cf. ענוי רוח [‘anvē rūaḥ, “meek of spirit”] in 1QH^a VI, 3). See David Flusser, “Blessed Are the Poor in Spirit” (JOC, 102-114); Robert L. Lindsey, “The Hebrew Life of Jesus,” under the subheading “The Two Versions of the Beatitudes.” ↩
• ^[69] A tripartite division of history is also attested in Sifre Deut. § 34 (ed. Finkelstein, 62); Sifre Deut. § 47 (ed. Finkelstein, 104); and Ruth Rab. 5:6, which make reference to this world (העולם הזה), to the days of the Messiah (ימות המשיח), and to the world to come (העולם הבא). On the tendency in rabbinic sources to conflate the world to come with the messianic era, see David Flusser, “The Stages of Redemption History According to John the Baptist and Jesus” (Flusser, Jesus, 258-275, esp.269, 273). ↩
• ^[70] The translation given here is of our suggested Hebrew reconstruction of Jesus’ statement. On the temporal aspect of this saying, see Blessedness of the Twelve, Comment to L16-19. ↩
• ^[71] Flusser, “The Stages of Redemption History” (Flusser, Jesus, 262). ↩
• ^[72] See the discussion above, under the subheading "The Kingdom of Heaven in Jewish Literature: Political Aspect of the Kingdom of Heaven." ↩
• ^[73] See Robert L. Lindsey, "Unlocking the Synoptic Problem: Four Keys for Better Understanding Jesus," under the subheading "Lukan Doublets"; idem, "From Luke to Mark to Matthew: A Discussion of the Sources of Markan 'Pick-ups' and the Use of a Basic Non-canonical Source by All the Synoptists," under the subheading "Lukan Doublets: Sayings Doublets." ↩
• ^[74] The verb προβάλωσιν (probalōsin, "they put forth") in Jesus' saying lacks a direct object. English translations provide the word “leaves,” but it is more likely that Jesus referred to fruit. See R. Steven Notley, “Learn the Lesson of the Fig Tree” (JS1, 108, 112); idem, "The Season of Redemption." ↩
• ^[75] R. Steven Notley, “Learn the Lesson of the Fig Tree” (JS1, 108 n. 3). ↩
• ^[76] See R. Steven Notley, "Learn the Lesson of the Fig Tree” (JS1, 110-112); idem, “The Season of Redemption.” ↩
• ^[77] See Robert L. Lindsey, “From Luke to Mark to Matthew: A Discussion of the Sources of Markan ‘Pick-ups’ and the Use of a Basic Non-canonical Source by All the Synoptists,” under the subheading “An Examination of the Editorial Activity of the First Reconstructor.” Cf. R. Steven Notley, “Learn the Lesson of the Fig Tree” (JS1, 108 n. 3, 111). ↩
• ^[78] The Aramaic equivalent of מַלְכוּת שָׁמַיִם is מַלְכוּתָא דִשְׁמַיָּא (malchūtā’ dishmayā’). Thus, whether one assumes that Jesus spoke Hebrew or Aramaic, there remains the problem of a shift in language from "Heaven" in the Semitic original to "God" in Greek.  See Tomson, "Jesus and His Judaism," 29. It must be stressed, however, that the term "Kingdom of Heaven" does not appear in Aramaic except in very late sources. In the Mishnah, Tosefta, the Tanaitic Midrashim, and the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, for example, the term "Kingdom of Heaven" appears exclusively in Hebrew. The complete absence of the Aramaic term מַלְכוּתָא דִשְׁמַיָּא in early rabbinic texts makes Dodd's comment that "there can be no doubt that the expression before us [i.e., 'Kingdom of Heaven' in the Gospels—DNB and JNT] represents an Aramaic phrase well-established in Jewish usage," (emphasis ours) puzzling in the extreme. See C. H. Dodd, The Parables of the Kingdom (rev. ed.; New York: Scribner's Sons, 1961), 21; cf. Karl Ludwig Schmidt, "βασιλεία" (TDNT, 1:582). ↩
• ^[79]

  Kingdom of Heaven/God: Triple Tradition Pericopae
  1	Matt. 3:2 Μετανοεῖτε, ἤγγικεν γὰρ ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark (–) Luke 3:3 κηρύσσων βάπτισμα μετανοίας
  2	Matt. 4:17 Μετανοεῖτε, ἤγγικεν γὰρ ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 1:15 ἤγγικεν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ Luke 4:15 ἐδίδασκεν ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν
  3	Matt. 10:7 Ἤγγικεν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark (–) (Luke 9:2 κηρύσσειν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ) Luke 10:9 Ἤγγικεν ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ
  4	Matt. 12:28 ἔφθασεν ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ Mark (–) Luke 11:20 ἔφθασεν ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ
  5	Matt. 13:11 τὰ μυστήρια τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 4:11 τὸ μυστήριον δέδοται τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ Luke 8:10 τὰ μυστήρια τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ
  6	Matt. 13:31 Ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 4:30 Πῶς ὁμοιώσωμεν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ Luke 13:18 Τίνι ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ
  7	Matt. 16:19 δώσω σοι τὰς κλεῖδας τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark (–) Luke (–)
  8	Matt. 18:1 Τίς ἄρα μείζων ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 9:35 Εἴ τις θέλει πρῶτος εἶναι ἔσται πάντων ἔσχατος Luke (–)
  9	(Matt. 18:3) εἰσέλθητε εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 10:15 δέξηται τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ Luke 18:17 δέξηται τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ
  10	Matt. 18:4 οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μείζων ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark (–) Luke 9:48 ὁ γὰρ μικρότερος ἐν πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχων οὗτός ἐστιν μέγας
  11	Matt. 19:14 τῶν γὰρ τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 10:14 τῶν γὰρ τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ Luke 18:16 τῶν γὰρ τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ
  12	Matt. 19:23 εἰσελεύσεται εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark 10:23 εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελεύσονται Luke 18:24 εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσπορεύονται
  13	Matt. 19:24 εἰσελθεῖν…εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ Mark 10:25 εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν Luke 18:25 εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν
  14	Matt. 21:43 ἀρθήσεται ἀφ’ ὑμῶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δοθήσεται ἔθνει ποιοῦντι τοὺς καρποὺς αὐτῆς Mark (–) Luke (–)

  For the creation of this table, the authors relied on Lindsey, GCSG. ↩

• ^[80]

  Kingdom of Heaven/God: Double Tradition Pericopae
  1	Matt. 5:3 ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 6:20 ὅτι ὑμετέρα ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ
  2	Matt. 7:21 Οὐ πᾶς ὁ λέγων μοι Κύριε κύριε εἰσελεύσεται εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 6:46 Τί δέ με καλεῖτε Κύριε κύριε, καὶ οὐ ποιεῖτε ἃ λέγω
  3	Matt. 8:11 ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 13:28 ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ
  4	Matt. 11:11 μικρότερος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 7:28 μικρότερος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ
  5	Matt. 11:12 ἕως ἄρτι ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν βιάζεται Luke 16:16 ἀπὸ τότε ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ εὐαγγελίζεται
  6	Matt. 13:33 Ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 13:20 Τίνι ὁμοιώσω τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ
  7	Matt. 22:2 Ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν Luke 14:15 Μακάριος ὅστις φάγεται ἄρτον ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ
  8	Matt. 23:13 κλείετε τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν ἀνθρώπων Luke 11:52 ἤρατε τὴν κλεῖδα τῆς γνώσεως· αὐτοὶ οὐκ εἰσήλθατε καὶ τοὺς εἰσερχομένους ἐκωλύσατε

  For the creation of this table, the authors relied on Lindsey, GCSG. ↩

• ^[81] Allen (203) accounts for the phrase ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν in Matthew by suggesting that "it is probable that the editor [of Matthew—DNB and JNT] was a Jewish Christian who...judaised, or rather rabbinised Christ's sayings." ↩
• ^[82] See David Flusser, "The Synagogue and the Church in the Synoptic Gospels" (JS1, 21). ↩
• ^[83] See Robert L. Lindsey, “A New Approach to the Synoptic Gospels,” under the subheading “Mark Secondary to Luke.” ↩
• ^[84] We count 12 unique Matthean verses where Matthew writes "Kingdom of Heaven/God." Of these we consider only one to be a Matthean composition (Matt. 19:12), and in this instance Matthew writes "Kingdom of Heaven."

  Kingdom of Heaven/God: Unique Matthean Pericopae
  1	Matt. 5:19 κληθήσεται ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν· ὃς δ’ ἂν ποιήσῃ καὶ διδάξῃ, οὗτος μέγας κληθήσεται ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν
  2	Matt. 5:20 εἰσέλθητε εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν
  3	Matt. 13:24 Ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  4	Matt. 13:44 Ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  5	Matt. 13:45 ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  6	Matt. 13:47 ὁμοία ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  7	Matt. 13:52 τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν ὅμοιός ἐστιν
  8	Matt. 18:23 ὡμοιώθη ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  9	Matt. 19:12 καὶ εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνούχισαν ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν Mark (–)
  10	Matt. 20:1 Ὁμοία γάρ ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν
  11	Matt. 21:31 οἱ τελῶναι καὶ αἱ πόρναι προάγουσιν ὑμᾶς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ
  12	Matt. 25:1 Τότε ὁμοιωθήσεται ἡ βασιλεία τῶν οὐρανῶν

  For the creation of this table, the authors relied on Robert L. Lindsey's Greek Concordance of the Synoptic Gospels (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Dugith, 1985-1989). ↩

• ^[85] Cf. Dalman, 93; Geza Vermes, Jesus in His Jewish Context (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003), 37. ↩
• ^[86] Here, our use of the term "de-Judaize" is not intended to indicate that Luke was anti-Jewish. To the contrary, the author of Luke demonstrates a high regard for Judaism and great sensitivity and openness toward the Jewish people (on this point see especially Tomson, If This Be, 214-247). We use "de-Judaize" to describe Luke's tendency to downplay that which is specifically Jewish that might seem alien or incomprehensible to Gentile readers. The author of Luke was motivated to make his material universally applicable since he was writing for a non-Jewish audience. ↩
• ^[87] See Robert L. Lindsey, "The Hebrew Life of Jesus," under the subheading "The Two Versions of the Beatitudes." ↩
• ^[88] See Disciples' Prayer, Comment to L10. ↩
• ^[89] "Amen," which appears with such high frequency in the sayings of Jesus, would have seemed strange even to non-Jewish readers who were familiar with the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. Although אָמֵן occurs 30xx in the MT, ἀμήν occurs only 8xx in LXX (1 Chr. 16:36; 1 Esdr. 9:47; Neh. 5:13; 8:6; Tob. 8:8; 3 Macc. 7:23; 4 Macc. 18:24; Pr. Man. 15), all in later books and, with the exception of Neh. 5:13, exclusively in the context of a blessing or prayer (in Neh. 5:13 "amen" appears in the context of a curse). The standard LXX translation of אָמֵן is γένοιτο (23xx). ↩
• ^[90] On the anti-Jewish tendency of the author of Matthew, see David Flusser, "Two Anti-Jewish Montages in Matthew" (Flusser, JOC, 552-560); idem, "Matthew’s Verus Israel" (Flusser, JOC, 561-574); idem, "Anti-Jewish Sentiment in the Gospel of Matthew" (Flusser, JSTP2, 351-353); R. Steven Notley, "Anti-Jewish Tendencies in the Synoptic Gospels," under the subheading "Matthew and the Jewish People"; Tomson, If This Be, 255-289. ↩
• ^[91] Matthew is unique in numbering the Pharisees among those indicted by Jesus’ Wicked Tenants parable ( Matt. 21:45). The chronology of Jesus’ critique of the Pharisees in Matt. 23 is artificially relocated to Jesus’ final days in Jerusalem. Also, according to Matthew, the chief priests and the Pharisees conspire together to put a guard at Jesus' tomb (Matt. 27:62). On this point, see Tomson, If This Be, 272-276. ↩
• ^[92] See David Flusser, "Two Anti-Jewish Montages in Matthew" (Flusser, JOC, 558-559); cf. Tomson, If This Be, 281. ↩
• ^[93] Matthew's source for Matt. 12:28, a verse appearing in a Triple Tradition pericope, but not found in Mark, was Anthology. In agreement with Luke, Matthew writes ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ. However, in Matt. 12:28 Matthew omits an important Hebraism preserved in Luke's parallel. Instead of "by the finger of God" (Luke 11:20), which alludes to the story of Moses, Matthew writes "by the Spirit of God," which was probably easier for non-Jewish Greek-speakers to comprehend. Since we already have one example of Matthew's editorial activity in this verse, it is possible that ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ in Matt. 12:28 is also editorial, and that the agreement with Luke is coincidental. ↩
• ^[94] The authors wish to thank Lauren Asperschlager for making this point (personal communication). ↩
• ^[95] As noted above, there is no evidence for an Aramaic equivalent to "Kingdom of Heaven" in ancient Jewish sources. ↩
• ^[96] See David Flusser, "The Synagogue and the Church in the Synoptic Gospels" (JS1, 35). ↩
• ^[97] Instances of Matthew's writing not dependent on a source include Matt. 19:10-12; 27:3-8; 27:62-66; 28:11-15. See David Flusser, "Two Anti-Jewish Montages in Matthew" (Flusser, JOC, 560); R. Steven Notley, "Anti-Jewish Tendencies in the Synoptic Gospels," under the subheading "Matthew and the Jewish People." ↩
• ^[98] See Robert L. Lindsey, "A New Two-source Solution to the Synoptic Problem," point number 4; idem, "Measuring the Disparity Between Matthew, Mark and Luke," under the subheading "Further Proof of Mark’s Dependence on Luke"; David Flusser, "Flusser on Lindsey's Synoptic Hypothesis." ↩
• ^[99] For abbreviations and bibliographical references, see “Introduction to ‘The Life of Yeshua: A Suggested Reconstruction.’” ↩
• ^[100] Pace Schweitzer, who regarded the Kingdom of God as a purely eschatological concept. Cf. Albert Schweitzer, The Mystery of the Kingdom of God: The Secret of Jesus’ Messiahship and Passion (trans. Walter Lowrie; New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1914). For a critique of Schweitzer’s hypothesis, see Young, JHJP, 191-194. On the temporal aspect of the Kingdom of Heaven in Jesus’ teaching, see the subsection entitled “The Kingdom of Heaven in the Teachings of Jesus: Temporal Aspect” below. ↩
• ^[101] Pope and Buth stress that “the Kingdom of Heaven” is not a concept that pertains to the afterlife, i.e., going to heaven after you die. See Anthony Pope and Randall Buth, “Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven,” Notes On Translation 119 (1987): 1-31, esp. 7. ↩